Ritual poetry of the Yakuts. Lesson on the topic "Yakut folklore"

The work is compiled on the basis of materials from folklore expeditions of different years with the inclusion of notations of the earliest recordings and presents a compressed anthology of Yakut song folklore, covering both ancient and modern layers, all its main styles and genres. In this work, for the first time, phenomena that were not amenable to notification were reported. The publication consists of a preface (by E. Alekseev), notated transcripts of folk songs with text and notes commenting on each musical sample. The book is addressed to employees, students, students of musical specialties, participants in amateur performances and all lovers of folk song art.

Responsible editor

Professor A.V. Rudneva

Yakutsk branch of the Siberian Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1981

Foreword

First, a few general methodological remarks.

The musical notation of folk songs is always associated with certain difficulties. By its very nature, the music of the oral tradition, possessing a whole complex of specific properties, lends itself to fixation on music paper with great difficulty and a significant measure of convention. The point is not only in the variant freedom of folk tunes and their constant variability, especially in the samples of the improvisational warehouse. The very inner logic of folk melos, the very principles of its development, often do not coincide with the logic and meaning-forming system of the music of the written tradition. The European musical notation, which in many respects gave birth to this tradition and associated with its origin with the thinking of a very specific stylistic era, turned out to be ill-suited for recording oral musical speech, especially when it comes to cultures that are obviously far from European.

There is one more fundamentally important circumstance that complicates the notation of folk music, and this circumstance has begun to be fully realized by our science only recently. The fact is that we are able to analyze and comprehend only what we have learned to more or less accurately record on paper. On the other hand, we can reliably and without significant risk distort the meaning of what is sounding, fix in the notes only that which, at least to some extent, was previously comprehended theoretically. Folk music is a complex object to understand, especially difficult to understand from the standpoint of the so-called "school", academic theory of music, still based mainly on European tradition composer thinking. Strictly speaking, it is impossible to build an own theory of folk musical thinking, which follows from its internal, autochthonous properties and patterns, relying on notations made according to the norms of composer's music. Such notations of samples of folk melody are in essence always only their more or less successful "translations" into a fundamentally different, European-written musical language. Adequacy with such a translation is hardly achievable, and the relative reliability of the fixation is closely related to the theoretical comprehension of the deep laws of national musical thinking. A kind of vicious circle is formed, and each notation of a more or less complex folklore pattern is an attempt to break out of this circle.

It is therefore understandable what exceptional difficulties, which are difficult to overcome even at the present time, have encountered from the very beginning the collection of Yakut musical folklore. With the exception of a few, relatively simple everyday melodies, recorded by ear in the last century, in the musical fixation of the Yakut folk melody, despite all the efforts, little was achieved until the 1930s, when the first serious theoretical observations were made. Each subsequent decade brought its own achievements along this path, but until the 1960s there was no fundamental shift. And the main thing here was not at all the lack of technical possibilities for fixing (tape recorders, in particular), but precisely in the undeveloped theoretical ideas about the laws of national melodic thinking. And only a constructive understanding of the originality of the Yakut song, which until then was more felt than realized, made it possible to note rather complex samples of traditional melos.

So, before turning to the characteristic of the national originality of the Yakut song culture, an attempt to reveal which the musical texts presented in this collection represent, it is worth emphasizing once again

The conventionality of any notation of an oral folklore sample, which, in principle, cannot be translated into a fixed musical text without significant losses;

The related need to make adjustments to the very techniques of musical notation, one way or another adapting it to the specific features of folklore intonation;

Fundamentally analytical character of folklore notations, realizing the indissoluble connection of fixing and meaningful functions of musical notation.

The listed general methodological circumstances (especially the last one) determine the essential features of the proposed publication and cause the need to preface it with a detailed, theoretical, preface.

The originality of the Yakut songwriting is rooted in the peculiarities of the historical fate Yakut people, which, as you know, fancifully combined southern and northern components in its culture. Having once moved from the expanses of the steppe south to the far north and entering the intense culture Exchange with the nomadic tribes of the vast taiga and tundra lands (Evenks, Evens, Yukagirs), the Yakuts managed to preserve the still tangible traces of the steppe culture, transforming its ancient Türkic-speaking roots in a completely new way. Having created their own unique musical and poetic world over the centuries, they merged in it the freedom-loving impulses of the steppe people with the violent, irrepressible imagination of the inhabitants of the North.

The traditional life of the Yakut people has always been full of songwriting. There was, perhaps, not a single significant event in his life that did not find a response in songs, just as there was no activity that the Yakut would not seek to accompany with singing. The monumental heroic epic of the Yakuts - olonkho, which forms the core of the traditional artistic heritage, is permeated with song. In these extended, sometimes several thousand lines of poetry, legends, a quick recitative narrative alternates with song episodes that convey the direct speech of numerous characters, often endowed with constant musical characteristics. The art of olonkhosuts, marked by obvious features of professionalism, required a complex, or rather, syncretically indivisible talent, combining the abilities of a poet-improviser, singer and actor, perfectly mastering the techniques of reincarnation, including vocal. Essentially, the olonkhosut should have the entire arsenal of expressive means accumulated in traditional folklore - poetic, dramatic, and musical. It is no coincidence that on the way of stage interpretations of olonkho, based on the practice of joint performance of legends by several olonkhosuts, which was encountered in the past, the formation of a national musical theater took place.

In an effort to cover the leading genres of Yakut song folklore, we naturally had to single out olonkho song fragments into an independent section of our collection. And it is appropriate to preface their musical characteristics with a general overview of traditional Yakut songwriting, for its main streams are intertwined in olonkho, in it the main song styles and manners of performance coexist and interact.

Song folklore of the Yakuts is notable for its diversity and genre and stylistic branching. Several musical dialects can be traced in it (we will talk about them later), but its main distinguishing feature is the existence of two different types of singing, according to the already established tradition, called song styles. One of them - "high", solemn singing - was named dyeretiy yrya(smooth, flowery song), the name has long been stuck in the people for the second degeren yrya(measured, moving song). Singing in a manner degeren- this is a more ordinary, ordinary, more common singing in everyday life, which, in contrast to dyeretiy yrya does not require special vocal skills.

Singing in style dyieretii, which concentrates the national sound-timbral ideal, essentially does not have any close analogies in other musical cultures. This creates significant difficulties for translating it into composing, and for attempts at musical notation. Much easier to correlate with academic musical skills is traditional style singing. degeren and mass contemporary songwriting based on it. This, first of all, explains the predominance of just such types of singing in previous publications of Yakut musical folklore.

One of the most notable differences in song style dyieretii- its saturation with characteristic falsetto tones - kylysakhs, which usually constitute a kind of decorating "counterpoint" to the sound of the main melodic line and create the effect of a specific "solo two-voice" - the bifurcation of the singing voice into two melodic lines independent in timbre. This quite original way of singing won the fame of Yakut folk singers almost less than the fame of the Tuvan "throat-singers", performers of the traditional two-timbral "khomei", which is also found among some other peoples. Something similar to the Yakut kylysakhs can sometimes be noticed in the singing of other peoples, but as a meaningful and systematically developed vocal technique, they are a unique phenomenon.

We will dwell on the kylysakh technique in more detail later, in connection with the problem of their musical fixation. Now let's turn to the inner, deeper structure of singing. dyieretii related to the improvisational nature of this song style.

Generally speaking, dyieretii as a specific type of singing is the traditional way of existence of the oral epic poetry of the Yakuts. Its leading genre, which gave rise to the corresponding song form, is toyuki ( toyuk), which are extensive musical and poetic improvisations of an emphatically epic cast. Toyuki can be folded and chanted for virtually any sufficiently sublime occasion. Rather, everything that is sung about in such a song improvisation, as it were, rises in our eyes, acquires a new high meaning, even if it is a subject that is emphatically mundane and seemingly insignificant. So, in Yakut folklore, there are toyuki singing on behalf of an old, obsolete broom or worn out birch bark dishes ( "Sippiir yryata", "Yarҕa yryata", "Bөh chabychakyn yryata" etc.). Folk singers-improvisers, with their inspired art, are able to raise these seemingly little respectable subjects to the level of high ethical and philosophical generalizations. The creative inspiration of folk singers becomes all the more inexhaustible when it comes to really important and topical events of our time. We can safely say that none of them is left without the creative response of folk singers-improvisers. It has always been this way, at all times, and it remains so today - the Yakutskiyoksuts actively respond to all significant moments of social life.

Toyuk usually opens with a colorfully sung solemn exclamation ( "Dyie buo!", "Kөr boo!", "NS!" etc.). Its form develops as a succession of large musical periods-tirades corresponding to the natural division of the song text, each of which ends with a vocal cadence, as colorfully ornamented as the opening exclamation (which, by the way, can be repeated at the beginning of a new large section of the toyuk). Individual tirades include from 3-4 to 12-15 or more verse lines (usually depending on the tempo of the song - the faster the tempo, the more lines can cover a musical period, the size of which is ultimately determined by the inspiration of the singer and the breadth of his singing breath). Each syllable of the improvised song text undergoes a systematic chant according to one of the selected traditional singing model-formulas. This rhythmic cliché, uniform for each toyuk (the formula for chanting syllables), which, of course, allows for quite free variant deviations, turns the chanted syllables of the toyuka into uniform musical feet, thereby rhythmizing any, even quite prosaic text. In combination with the developed technique of alliterative versification, which the singer-improviser must master, and in the conditions of the law of vowel syngharmonism that is steadily operating in the Yakut language, this determines both the musical expressiveness of the toyuk and their often outstanding poetic merits.

Roughly the same, in the same performing manner, samples of the old ritual poetry- ritual appeals to the patron spirits, all kinds of algys (traditional glorifications, good wishes, parting words) and many olonkho song fragments. Songs of the majority are sung in the style of dyeretii and in the form of toyuk positive characters heroic epic - the heroes of the Middle World, their entourage, relatives, their patron spirits, and often heroic horses. It is not without reason that many olonkhosuts were at the same time wonderful toyuksuts - creators and performers of epic song improvisations. But if the art of olonkho is clearly fading away (nevertheless continuing to nourish the development of modern national poetry, music, theater), then the creativity of the Toyuksuts continues to function actively today. Now it is extremely rare to hear a detailed performance of the whole olonkho (it gives way to shortened versions and retellings, concert performance of fragments), but hearing a just composed toyuk is still not uncommon. The themes of modern toyuk are constantly updated, which have become a mobile form of oral civil poetry, not inferior in its ideological orientation to the literary work of professional Yakut poets. However, musically and stylistically, the expressive means of the toyuka remained essentially the same: the technique of singing improvisation, worked out over the centuries, remains without any noticeable changes. That is why we considered it possible to present this traditional genre of Yakut songwriting with modern works - the famous epic improvisations of Ustin Nokhsorov (“Day great Victory», Arr. 13) and Sergei Zverev (I Praise the Great Lenin, sample 14). From the point of view of the purity of style and the specificity for the epic tradition of the two main regions of Yakut songwriting - Prilensky and Vilyui - these two toyuks can be considered classic examples of the genre.

The art of toyuksu requires special teaching, long and persistent improvement in the depths of an unofficial, but nevertheless very effective and efficient folk singing school. It is rare for someone to learn how to use kylysakh easily and as if by nature. Singers have mastered this performing technique, and even more so the art of high poetic improvisation from childhood, listening to the masters and sometimes trying their strength among their peers. The time of public appearances and nationwide fame does not come soon for them. But if glory comes to them, then it spreads far and lives for a long time, not yielding to the glory of the outstanding olonkhosuts of the past.

Although the songs degeren and do not require the passage of a special vocal school, however, in this type of singing there have always been recognized masters ( yryahyttar), also loved and respected by the people. Their individualized tunes (in contrast to the typical toyuk formulas common to songs of very different content) were usually more or less firmly associated with individualized song texts and had either a simple one-line or also a simple couplet structure. Rhythmically and intonationally melodies degeren often echoed the chants of the traditional circular dance suokai ( ohhuohai). Freely improvised texts of the latter are chanted in a general dance circle to stable melodic formulas in each region, based, as a rule, on the primordial Türkic choreic seven-syllable, which also occupies a key position in melodicism. degeren.

Genre and thematic range degeren yrya is not inferior to the substantial and genre variety of Toyuk. It includes both lyrics (of a very different kind - from contemplative-philosophical to love-erotic), and the area of ​​funny jokes and unassuming children's musical play. The song component is essential (also in the style degeren) in some types of fairy tales, in everyday humorous stories, in tongue twisters extremely popular among the Yakuts -chabyrgakhs ( chabyrҕah), in game folklore. Often, unusual, specific singing techniques are practiced, interspersed with a typical melody degeren special syncopated aspirations ( taqalay yryata, "Palatine song"), guttural wheezing ( habarҕa yryata, "Guttural song") or characteristic nasal sounds ( hoҥsuo yrya, "Nasal, nasal song").

Generally speaking, there are no strict boundaries between the two types of Yakut singing. And the point is not only in the presence of intermediate and transitional phenomena, which are difficult to attribute without hesitation to a drawn-out or measured song. The fact is that some song genres, depending on the specific conditions of performance, local traditions, or simply by coincidence of external circumstances (up to the singer's momentary mood), can be realized either in one or another type of singing. Just as Ustin Nokhsorov, for example, could perform the same verbal initiation osuokai with the same inspiration in the Vilyui or Amginsky manner, so many folk singers can, at will, perform the well-known song text in the style dyieretii, and on the motive of the popular degeren yrya, and often as a lead in a traditional dance. Both types of singing could sound tuoisuu yryata- songs of love chorus, sometimes monotonously endless road, travel songs ( suol yryata, ayan yryata), and sometimes lullabies ( bihik yryata).

A special group is made up of tunes that are somehow connected with shamanism ( oyuun kuturuuta, udҕan yryata) and with some morbid states of the psyche close to the shamanic sphere ( manerik yryata, enelgen yryata, kөgүs yryata, tүүl yryata etc.). Separate samples of this kind of songs, still rarely found in the form of relics or imitations, are published here for the first time (more detailed information about them is given in the comments to the notations).

All of the listed types and genres of Yakut traditional singing, with the exception of osuokai, are emphatically monophonic, solo. The conditions for the formation of developed polyphony appeared only in modern times, which gave rise to mass forms of choral singing and ensemble music-making. Perhaps the exceptional development of solo singing among the Yakuts, its high level requiring even a certain specialization, the presence of a specific art of two-timbral singing (singing with kylysakhs) - all this to some extent hindered the development of polyphony in traditional Yakut culture. All the more indicative are the attempts to sing together in the style dyieretii, which are undertaken by folk Yakut singers as part of an amateur musical movement. Ensembles of toyuksuts now appear more and more often, and although their activity is fraught with fundamental difficulties (with attempts to preserve the improvisational nature of this song style in conditions of collective performance), some encouraging experiments of joint singing of toyukes certainly deserve attention. Doubtful as a promising form of collective creativity, collaborative singing in style dyieretii has some perspective as a collective form of performance of already canonized Toyuk. One of such experiments is presented in our collection (sample 15).

In the old days, joint singing was widely practiced only in osuokai, where the solo remarks of the improviser-lead singer were repeated by all who entered the dance circle, repeated as accurately as possible, but in reality always with some intonation nuances and heterophonic deviations from unison due to timbre register mismatches of voices and various kinds random moments(up to the lack of ear for music and lack of voice control). The musical notation of such a spontaneous, essentially still disordered and poorly controlled polyphony is practically impracticable, and sometimes it is simply meaningless, unless one specifically addresses the study of the original forms of polyphony. However, in cases where joint singing, having not yet lost the character of the primary discord, nevertheless turns into a stable, traditionally legalized practice that generates a figuratively expressive result, attempts to fix such phenomena in musical texts become justified.

Olekminsky osuokai has long become such a well-defined practice of polyphonic singing, in which the attention of the dancers involuntarily switches to the harmonization of voices in a harmonic vertical. Like the circular dances of the Evenks and Evens, in the Olekma osuokai, care about the verbal and textual side of the tunes virtually disappears, since the dancers are limited to chanting the refrain words devoid of specific semantics.

In this collection, we also give an example of another stable type of polyphony, which was established in the introductory section of the Vilyui variety of the Osuokai (Sample 16, Part I). This is the so-called kiirii toyuk, a slow introductory invitation to the dance, performed by a small initiative group, which is gradually joined by other dancers, forming at the beginning of the so-called haamy үҥkүү(dance step, actually osuokai) a closed dance circle.

The musical interpretation of field recordings of such singing is often impracticable: the voices of an arbitrary mass of participants are so intertwined that the most sophisticated ear cannot separate them. Therefore, in order to reflect the real ratio of at least a few voices, a special experimental recording was organized. From the general circle of dancers, three participants were selected who knew the tradition and had the skill of performing osuokai together. As a result, in the tape recording made from them, it became possible to listen to the functions of each voice. The number of voices in the experiment could be increased if at that moment there were technical possibilities for separate (multichannel) recording of voices. However, this notation, limited only by a two-part texture (one lead singer and two singers), is, in our opinion, of a certain value, because it gives some idea of ​​the fundamental nature of polyphonic performance in the style dyieretii, about the degree of his freedom and about the way of combining voices. For comparison, another fragment of the same experimental record (sample 16, part II) is also given - the beginning haamy үҥkүү, dance with a step, when the basic rhythmic formula of osuokaya comes into play, retaining its shape in the final, jumping part of the dance ( kөtүү үҥkүү), usually characterized by a gradual increase in tempo (in our example, this part is omitted).

Since in the past, the intonationally expressive musical instruments were limited to the Yakuts mainly by the jew's harp ( khomus) and a homemade violin ( kyryimpa), on which folk musicians often reproduced the popular song repertoire (while successfully imitating the timbre features of national singing), we can reasonably consider the proposed selection of samples, including songs of various genres, sufficiently representative for traditional Yakut musical folklore as a whole.

In the traditional Yakut song, as already noted, there are several regional styles of singing, in other words, dialects. The leading ones are Prilensky (central) and Vilyui. The main difference between them lies in the nature of sound production and in the manner in which the verbal text is presented. Vilyui singers prefer rhythmically collected, energetic singing, clearly articulating each syllable ( ethen ylyyr). Prilensky (these include singers of the entire vast central group of districts - including Amga, Tattinsky, Ust'aldan) are inclined to a wide and free melodic chant, to fancifully ornamented singing abounding in kylysakhs ( tardan ylyir). This distinction relates primarily to style. dyieretii, but often affects degeren- singing.

The most talented representative of Prilensk singing was the already named Ustin Gavrilievich Nokhsorov (1907-1951), who, being a great master, also mastered other styles of singing, including Vilyui. The brightest representative of the latter was Sergei Afanasyevich Zverev (1891-1973), who created, in the mainstream of the Vilyui song dialect, essentially his own, individual style, which found numerous imitators and followers (not without reason now, instead of “singing in Vilyui”, they often say “singing in Zverev ").

Within the framework of these two, long-interacting stylistic traditions, there are, of course, cross phenomena: in Vilyui singing (primarily in the introductory toyuk to osuokay), extensively sung samples are found, in the folklore of the Prilensk regions there are clearly rhythmic tunes chanting every word (especially in dance, game genres or chabyrgakhs). Along with this, there are genres in which dialectal differences are less pronounced or even do not affect them at all. This supra-dialectal, common Yakut has long been (or always has been) the art of olonkhosuts, who use different types of traditional singing in their legends. Along with the main style for them dyieretii, in which monologues of goodies - characters of the tribe are sung aiyy inhabiting the Middle World - olonkhosuts use tunes based on the principles degeren yrya... This is how songs of lyrical female characters are performed, in particular - of the good heavenly shaman (sample 3). Typical comic heroes of olonkho often sing this way. At the same time, special techniques of sound production are often used, designed to endow these images with a memorable confused-stuttering ( Simekhsin emekhsin, Soruk-Bollur- arr. 10, 11) or assertive and loud speech ( Abaahy udagana, arr. eight). The olonkhosuts also resort to onomatopoeic singing just as often, characterizing, for example, the appearance of the evil Ajarai (a representative of a tribe hostile to people abaahy) or imitating the neighing of a heroic horse (samples 5, 7, 12). Sometimes they also use the insinuating northern style of singing, which is especially appropriate when it is endowed with the Tungus bogatyr acting in the olonkho.

In general, the gravitation towards a more drawn-out, spacious, calm manner of singing is still traced in the central regions, and towards a more elastic, chanting singing - in the Vilyui regions, despite the increased mixing of these styles in modern amateur practice, leading to the erasure of local differences and to the development of general average singing style.

The northern style of singing that has developed among the Yansk-Indigir-Kolyma Yakuts, and, obviously, not without the influence of the indigenous inhabitants of the region (first of all, the Evens), still remains a little aside. In the Ust-Yansky region, for example, there is even a special term for the local manner of singing - muoraly toyuk("Sea tune", sample 22). A similar style of singing, characterized by a soft, peculiar in timbre and flexible, rhythmically plastic manner of intonation, is represented in our collection of songs by the Abyiskian Prokopiy Yegorovich Sleptsov, but only partially, since his singing has expressive individual features and is distinguished by an active, creative attitude to tradition.

I will now dwell in more detail on the notational problems proper, which, as already mentioned, is directly related to their theoretical premises, and, consequently, to the need to touch upon the internal laws of the structure of Yakut songs.

All samples included in this edition, documents of whatever time they may be - from the first phonographic recordings of the early 20th century to materials recorded in expeditions at the end of the 1970s - are transcripts from tape recorders. Unlike previous publications of Yakut folklore, there are no auditory recordings, that is, songs recorded directly by ear, without the help of sound recording technology. This is fundamentally important because it increases the documentary accuracy of the notations.

It would, of course, be unfair to deny the documentary value of auditory recordings altogether, which have their own advantages. Made by an educated musician with a trained ear and tenacious memory, and even better - practically possessing the skills of folklore singing, they are able to achieve a high degree of generalization and, therefore, have great artistic merit. That is why many auditory notations by Fyodor Kornilov, Mark Zhirkov or Hrant Grigoryan still retain their intrinsic value and continue to serve as first-class material both for the study of Yakut folklore and for its composer's implementation.

However, not all genres of Yakut singing lend themselves to notation by ear. Just the epic-drawn-out songs most characteristic of the national culture in the style dyieretii, by their very improvisational nature, excluding accurate reproduction during repeated performance and differing in the unusualness and complexity of their rhythmic and tonal organization, no one has yet been able to write down to notes directly by ear. Thus, the real prerequisites for the scientific study of the features of traditional Yakut melody arose only with the advent of the phonograph, which for Yakutia coincided with the very beginning of the last century.

For a long time, the first phonographic recordings of Yakut singing were considered the recordings of Jan Strozhetsky, made by this exiled Polish revolutionary in Kolyma at the turn of 1903-1904 with the help of an apparatus sent by the famous Moscow ethnographer and anthropologist D.N. Anuchin. Four rolls with Strozhetsky's Yakut recordings are kept in the phonogram archive of the Pushkin House in Leningrad (Inventory No. 1234–1237). In the same place, as part of the collection of another famous ethnographer V.I. Yokhelson, four more rollers with recordings of Yakut singing were discovered relatively recently. As it was possible to establish from the field notes preserved in the archives, it is precisely these records that are actually the first in time: they were made two years before the records of J. Strozhetsky - at the end of 1901 or at the very beginning of 1902. Their condition is better than that of Strozhetsky's rollers, and their value is also determined by the fact that they are among the first experiments in Russia to use a phonograph for folkloristic purposes. Fragments of olonkho imprinted on Yochelson's rollers compare favorably with Strozhetsky's scattered shamanic records, first of all, by the imprinted material itself. Despite the unsatisfactory technical condition of the rollers and the lack of accurate certification, by their sound one can get some idea about the nature of the recorded olonkho and about its performer. Two of the three song fragments heard in these recordings turned out to be possible to notate. Our publications also begin with these notations (samples 1 and 2).

The first experiments on notation of Yakut phonorecordings were undertaken shortly after these recordings were made. In the appendix to his article, D.N. Anuchin placed notations of four excerpts from the spells of the Kolyma shaman Fyodor Vinokurov, performed on behalf of the commission by the folklorist A.P. Maslov. The quality of these notations could not be high, since it was almost impossible to understand the content of the fragments recorded on the rollers without any accompanying comments and descriptions. The notator himself emphasized the approximate nature of the transcripts and accompanied them with a cautious assumption that "the melodic singing of the Yakuts is at the lowest stage of development and, perhaps, survives only the epoch of the fourth." Unfortunately, in view of the poor preservation of the rollers, it is not possible to clarify the "approximate notograms" of A. Maslov (this is how SA Kondratyev later characterized them).

Attempts to notify the Yakut phonorecordings were also made in the 30s and 40s, but the matter did not come to publication. It is known, for example, that Yakut songs in Moscow and Yakutsk were recorded before the Patriotic War with the help of a sharinophone, and in the first post-war years - on a discograph. It is possible that transcripts of some of these records are the notation of five fragments from the olonkho "Nyurgun Bootur the Swift" published by M.N. Zhirkov in the appendix to the bilingual edition of this olonkho edited by G.U. Ergis. If anything, they look too detailed for auditory notation.

The number of sounding materials on the Yakut song folklore began to grow rapidly with the advent of the tape recorder (early 50s). But their study and publication were developed with a great delay. For by themselves, magnetic records, just like phonographic rolls and flexible celluloid disks, remained only an unrealized prerequisite for such a study, because such records become real material for researchers only when they are translated into musical text. Individual samples of tape notation gradually began to appear in print as examples in special theoretical works, but this already applies to subsequent decades. The only gratifying exception in this respect was the collection of S.A. Kondratyev, who made a significant contribution to the collection and study of Yakut songs. It is based on 52 tape notations of most genres of traditional and modern musical folklore of the Yakuts, including for the first time with great care made transcripts of episodes of the heroic epic and songs in the style dyieretii... In this regard, the publication of S.A. Kondratyev is the only valid "precedent" that we could rely on when preparing this publication. The collection is preceded by a detailed research article, most of the notations are accompanied by detailed musicological commentaries. The collection also includes selected auditory notations by M.N. Zhirkov and G.A. Grigoryan, extracted from their archives.

Much of the theoretical coverage of the materials published by Kondratyev does not satisfy us today. One cannot agree with some of the fundamental points of his notes. However, in general, it is necessary to pay tribute to the thoroughness and conscientiousness of the scientific contribution made to the study of the Yakut song by this remarkable folklorist. Without his work, it would have been impossible to take the next step - to try to switch to the analytical notations of the traditional Yakut melos. This is exactly the attempt that our publication represents.

Let us now dwell on the main theoretical aspects of the notations proposed below - on the principles of fixation and design of their pitch, metro-rhythmic, structural and timbre sides.

Perhaps the greatest difficulties for the researcher are associated with fixing the pitch side of Yakut singing, since the processes of the initial formation of modes and the formation of stable scales are still actively proceeding in it. The relatively weak development of musical instruments (more precisely, the absence of instruments of a fixed scale) and the limited experience of ensemble singing in the past did not contribute to the addition of stable modes in traditional Yakut singing. This is associated with the high-altitude variability and fluidity of the traditional Yakut melody, and not only in epic improvisational songs, but often in songs. degeren... At the same time, this melody has a rather strict internal logic of inter-tone relations, which manifests itself in spite of constantly changing scales. If you do not try to penetrate into this relatively simple, but peculiar logic and do not realize the specific system of modal functions of traditional Yakut intonation, then detailed pitch notations can disorient the reader, creating the impression of a great complexity of the high-altitude structure of Yakut singing. Therefore, it is necessary, at least very briefly, to describe this scale system.

The most noticeable, outwardly impressive phenomenon of the Yakut scaled sphere is the so-called "opening frets" (G. Grigoryan's term). They are formed due to the smooth (sometimes so smooth that it is difficult to convey in semitone notation) displacement of the reference tones that form the melody relative to each other. This happens in the process of gradual development of the song melody, while maintaining its rhythmic and linear contours. Usually, there is a gradual departure of neighboring steps from each other (hence the term proposed by G. Grigoryan), the distance between them can often reach two, two and a half and even three tones (without a fundamental change in the ladofunctional relations between the steps that remain the same neighboring steps of the changing scale). Occasionally - at the beginning of a new major section of the song - a temporary return to the original, tight intervals is possible, but, as a rule, the internal proportions of these constantly evolving height rows remain unchanged. In general, there is a tendency to either uniform ("self-tempering"), or to proportionally decreasing scales as the register increases.

Typical chant-formula dyieretii form only three, less often four steps, which have the following modal functions (in ascending order) - stable, non-voice and modal antithesis, which sometimes coincides with the "exceeding" (culmination) tone. Each of the tones may have its own falsetto sound-kylysakh, but in principle, it is with these basic tones-functions that the modal structure of the melodies dyieretii is exhausted, and this is despite the visible presence of a large number of sounds of different heights. For all their high-altitude diversity comes down to the variants of the listed three or four constantly evolving, mobile tones-steps.

Chants degeren can sometimes include a greater number of steps, including an additional lower reference tone (most often - in the form of a subquart). Many of these tunes now tend to shift to diatonic scales and even to seven-step major or minor scales of the European type, which have become established in the new mass Yakut song. However, among the former degeren-Chants are still not uncommon to encounter a fluid "opening" of the fret, which still makes them difficult notation. Like many epic toyuki, traditional degeren yrya therefore, they often appear in notes in a complex “modulating”, ultrachromatic form, or (in case of fragmentary recording) as a series of seemingly contradictory modal (in reality - scale) variants.

Thus, the Yakut melody is often really difficult to fit into the semitone scale of notations. In order not to distort its true meaning too much, one has to resort to microalterative refinements. In this regard, in this publication, as in a number of other folkloristic publications, a unified method of fixing micro-intonation nuances has been consistently carried out, based on dividing a semitone into three equal parts, corresponding to 1/6 of a whole tone. In addition to the undeniable advantages in the external design of notations and economy in signs, this makes it possible to record the smooth "opening" of the frets both in the conditions of two-timbral singing and in polyphonic samples.

The traditional Yakut melody is by no means easily translated into the commonly used major-minor system of modes, and even with the possible external coincidence of its scales with the scales of this system, the internal meaning of many Yakut tunes often turns out to be different. Therefore, it is often necessary to abandon the accepted practice of setting key signs in accordance with the fifth-circle of tonalities. In our notations, key signs (including "micro-intonation" ones) are displayed only in those cases when they actually occur in the song. At the same time, they are placed in ascending order and, as a rule, in the place of their actual sound. Otherwise, it will be difficult for the reader to avoid deceptive stereotypes of tonal perception.

The rhythmic structure of the Yakut melody is poorly studied. But, despite this, a sufficient number of misunderstandings have accumulated here. Contrary to popular belief, song Yakut rhythm, even in tunes degeren It is by no means easy to fix in notes, since the periodic metric of the choreic warehouse is often complicated in them by the flexible inter-beat variability of the rhythm. On the contrary, in the melody dyieretii, as a rule, a clear internal rhythmic pulsation is felt, seemingly contradicting the improvisational freedom of the meter usually emphasized by researchers and the free poetic stanza determined by the syllabic character of the song verse (regarding the periodic intrasyllabic chant in melodic dyieretii it has already been discussed).

In the notations proposed here, as far as possible sequentially, a method of their structural design, ordered by lines, is carried out - the so-called syntactic (or, as they sometimes say now, paradigmatic) ranking. The syntactic method of arranging bar lines is closely related to it.

The bar line is considered by us primarily as a dividing one - in contrast to the more common timing in composer music of the European orientation, in which this line is designed primarily to reveal metric accents. But since free syllabics prevail in Yakut songwriting, initial verse alliteration (and not final rhyme) and choreic (in the broad sense of the word) rhythms, this method of timing, as a rule, does not contribute to the detection of not only caesura, but also metric accents. In those comparatively rare cases when these accents do not coincide with the beginning of syntactic constructions (emphatically syncopated or beat-to-beat rhythm), we either use special accentuation marks, or occasionally return to the accent method of arranging measures with a pre-struck bar value (sample 22). In any case, the syntactic markup of the musical text comes to the rescue - an analytical technique that is relatively new for domestic folklore publications.

It is easy to conclude what analytical musical notation is from the outward appearance of the notations - both the outer contours and the inner structure of the song stanza appear in them. The meaning of this editorial technique is easily understood by means of a simple analogy. Until the 18th century, Russian poetry in printing, as a rule, did not use the verse form of the arrangement of the poetic text. The poem was typed in "solid" and outwardly did not differ from the prosaic text (at best, the borders of the verses were marked with special dividing lines). Music texts, on the other hand, in the overwhelming majority of cases continue to be typeset according to the same principle, although their metrically clear “verse” organization is often self-evident. Of course, in special analytical works, the ordered ranking of musical lines has been used for a long time, but only as a deliberate research technique. In the popular sheet music This rank is still found only occasionally. The reader is left to figure out the structure of the song stanza for himself. It's good if the song is familiar or simple in structure. And what is it like, when it is required, when reading a "foreign language" notation, to comprehend the complex form of a stanza in an unfamiliar song culture? In this case, the paradigmatic marking of the stanza becomes irreplaceable, reflecting its understanding by the notator (or editor).

This task is not an easy one, given the free nature of the stanza in the improvisational genres of the Yakut song. And nevertheless, we tried to consistently carry the principle of syntactic markup through all musical texts - of all styles and genres. In those cases when the musical syntax came into conflict with the structure of poetic lines (and in some styles of singing, for example, in northern tunes, this is often found), the musical text was ranked based on the musical laws proper. Such moments are easily detected by the discrepancy between the continuous numbering of poetic lines and the numbering of musical lines - notation (see, for example, sample 2). In all other cases, we tried, in the very configuration of the musical text, to achieve a graphic transfer of the contours of the verse stanza.

An extended musical line does not always fit into the standard size of a sheet music page. In such cases, two or three of its parts are located "ladder". At the same time, the vertical ranking of measures becomes an effective means of revealing the internal motivational structure of melodies.

In short, the verse-like way of designing song notations, which is extremely convenient for the reader, is associated with a large number of analytical, editorial and, finally, printing complications. It is especially problematic in complex and controversial cases, when we are dealing with ambivalent, transitional or unclear, unsettled or evolving structures that are quite often encountered in the songwriting of the Yakuts. Nevertheless, we deliberately disagree with some of the readers on certain specific points in the arrangement of the musical text. And we are doing this in order to generally promote the approval of the only promising, in our opinion, analytical method of publishing folklore materials.

Let us now turn to the discussion of the for the time being delayed notation problem - the problem of fixing the kylysakhs.

The nature of the Yakut kylysakhs is not yet fully understood. Joint research by physiologists, acoustics and musicologists with the use of the necessary measuring equipment is still to come. Until then, one has to be content with the conventional notation of the kylysakhs, based on intuitive ideas about the vocal mechanism of their formation.

The notor and researcher are usually baffled by the real pitch of these falsetto overtones, which, as it turns out, often comes into conflict with the acoustic scale of overtones. The distance separating the kylysakh from the main tone rarely corresponds to the consonant intervals - an octave, a fifth, a fourth, or a major third. More often there is a sensation of a newt or various untempered intervals, including the sixth and even the seventh. The interval here in general becomes a concept to a large extent conditional, because the significant difference in the timbres of the main tone and overtones makes it difficult to hear. One gets the impression that the kylysakhs lie in a different sound plane. Our ear is inclined to perceive them in a higher than real tessiture (on a single-timbral instrument, for example, a piano, the sound of the kylysakhs is more accurately imitated by short staccato beats an octave higher than the main singing register).

The fundamental and still unclear question is: what happens to the main tone at the moment when kylysakh "flashes" over it? Is its sound interrupted, but this break is masked by kylysakh (ie, the solo Yakut two-part is actually illusory), or the main tone continues to sound, experiencing a certain high-altitude "indignation" under the influence of kylysakh. Personally, I tend to hear the continuous sounding of the main tone, complicated at the moment the kylysakh sounds by the characteristic startle, which is most closely conveyed in writing by fast (crossed out) grace notes, often double (mordent-like).

Another unresolved issue is the rhythmic conditions for the appearance of kylysakh. The fact that it has the character of a short accent strike is obvious, but it is not easy to determine with which moment in the sound of the main voice this strike coincides. Whether it falls exactly on the ikt time or is somewhat ahead of it, giving rise to the feeling of a grace note, has to be found out in special experiments. It seems that in reality we are not dealing with a grace note at all (i.e., not with the predictive nature of the kylysakhs), but with an accent blow, causing both the startle of the main voice and the emergence of kylysakh. In other words, the actual distance interval of the kylysakh should be calculated not from the main, supporting pitch of the main voice, but from its melismatic increase at the moment of a short accent strike. If we accept this as an initial hypothesis, then we can assume that the real height of the kylysakh is determined by three points: first, by which of the partial tones is the “basic” one that carries for the main timbre of the singing voice, and secondly, by the fact that which of the overlying partial tones becomes the basis for the emergence of kylysakh and, thirdly, what is the real interval of the melismatic shift of the main voice at the moment of extracting the kylysakh. The sum of the two corresponding intervals (the distance between the partial tones and the interval of "flinching") should give the altitude distance of the kylysakh from the melodic tone decorated with it. Of course, this assumption needs experimental verification. In the meantime, there is nothing left to do but to continue to rely only on the acuity and training of the notation ear, and, consequently, to bring our subjective sensations into the notation.

It would seem that it is not so difficult to introduce a special sign to designate the Kylysakhs (such a diamond-shaped harmonic sign has long been used by us in Yakut notations and is even sometimes borrowed by other researchers to indicate similar effects in the singing of other peoples), and then give everything to the acuity of hearing, which in principle can be reinforced or rejected by measuring equipment. However, in practice, everything is not simple, because we are not dealing with abstract acoustic phenomena, but with living musical speech, which carries meanings that are not always clear and always difficult to express in words and signs. What carries these hidden meanings in it for the time being, and what is secondary, external, perhaps accidental, although relatively easily imprinted in the notes?

The height of the kylysakh, as it seems to us, cannot be freely adjusted by the singer himself and, perhaps, does not depend at all on his desire. Nevertheless, it is certainly audible and is essential for the overall sound of the melody. Is it worth at all costs to strive to fix it in the notes, complicating the already difficult reading of them? And, on the other hand, how else would an outside reader imagine the real sounding of the song; how an instrumentalist will reproduce this characteristic sound on his musical instrument?

As you can see, there are enough questions about the Kylysakhs alone. And there can be no single answer to them. Since our notations have a certain "super task", which I would like to say in conclusion, it was certainly necessary to fix the kylysakhs in them. The question for us was only how to do it, and whether it should always be done in the same way.

As there are no two absolutely identical voices in the world, so you will not meet two completely identical kylysakhs. Even among the same singer at different times and in different songs, the kylysakhs sound differently: in some genres it is emphasized loudly, in others it is muffled and soft. And even when the same song is performed in different conditions, the sound of the kylysakhs often acquires a completely different character. If in some cases a special designation is needed, if in others a slight hint of kylys is enough (for example, with the help of an unusually wide grace note), then in others a combined method is appropriate, reflecting both the kylysakh itself and the melismatic fluctuation of the main voice. The continuous scale of transitions, ranging from barely perceptible shudders of the voice to emphatically opposed to the main tone, completely isolated from it, dazzlingly bright kylysakhs, also requires a flexible variety of fixation techniques - from conventional melismatics to special signs that accurately fix the pitch, rhythm and specific falsetto tone of these characteristic ...

On the example of the Yakut kylysakhs, which cannot be entirely attributed to the performing side of song art, it is clearly seen how difficult, and often in principle impossible, to develop a single, universal method of fixing the seemingly one and the same, moreover, a rather characteristic vocal technique. Indeed, sometimes, during one performance, this technique undergoes such an evolution (and not always against the will of the singer) that the designation used at the beginning of the song becomes inappropriate at the end. One has to look for an opportunity not only to oppose the initial and final moments of such evolution, but also to reflect its successive stages. In such cases, the external and seemingly eclectic diversity of notations (this applies primarily to epic improvisations) is actually generated by the desire to reflect the complex internal evolution of the tunes, their flexible and difficult to perceive performing "disclosure".

Kylysakhs can be undefined in altitude or emphasized accurate; they can be syntactically loose, as if wandering, or repeated in strictly defined places of the melody, at specific metric beats of the beat; they can be single, rare ornaments of a melody or follow one after another with increasing speed, merging into a continuous pulsating chain of kylysakhs, into a kind of kylysakh trill, which is easier to describe in words than to fix in notes. And for each specific case, the notator should have a more or less adequate technique at his disposal - preferably individual signs or their conventional combination. Of course, there cannot be too many such signs, and they cannot be changeable in meaning. This would unnecessarily complicate the reading of musical texts. The problem, therefore, lies in the search for the optimal minimum of universal signs.

What has been said about the kylysakhs can be projected onto other notational problems as well. In any case, we see a way out not so much in the use of new signs (this is permissible only as a last resort), as in the flexible operation of the old and generally accepted ones. In this, as in everything related to the accuracy and intelligibility of notations (two properties, unfortunately, often come into dramatic conflict for the notator of folk melody), a measure is important, a deviation in either direction from which is equally detrimental to the main goal of any notation - for transmission of the figurative-musical meaning of a specific folk melody, its internal nationally characteristic content.

Realizing this, we deliberately lean towards greater detail in the notations, because the goal of the publication is not just to achieve an unconditional artistic effect, but also to contribute to the search for deep national musical intonation specificity, which has not yet been fully revealed. And in this case, it is better to slightly exceed the measure of detail, so as not to miss out on what is not yet recognized as meaningful moments today. Each researcher can simplify, make more generalized and less detailed our notations, if necessary. It will be more difficult if you need to make them even more detailed.

It would be great if our reader had at his disposal a record or tape with the sound of at least some of the published samples. Everyone could then be convinced not only of the complexity of the tasks facing the notaries and editors of musical and folklore editions, but also of the fundamental irreducibility of folk-song melody to just one note line. Only when combined, the musical text and the real sound make it possible not only to admire the folk song, but to delve deeply into its internal structure and comprehend the laws that govern it. The latter is not at all necessary for an ordinary admirer of a folk song - it may even hinder an enthusiastic lover. But for a specialist - composer, musicologist, performer (for whom analytical hearing of music is professionally necessary), the addition of carefully prepared notations with the sound of a living folklore original is all the more desirable because the musical notation itself, no matter how much it is adapted to the needs of folklore, cannot convey much from what constitutes the essence of the national characteristic in the folk song.

That is why we are addressing our publication not to the mass reader and not directly to the amateur music community, although the latter (through its professional leaders) may find it useful. Not being able to attach a disc with recordings to the collection now, we hope that sooner or later this will be possible. In the meantime, the only thing we can do in this regard is to indicate the location of the sounding originals and copies, as well as, when possible, the numbers of the released records.

This publication has a predominantly musical profile. However, this does not mean that due attention is not paid to verbal texts. And not only because "you can't throw out a word from a song." Much in folk melody, especially in such as the Yakut one, in its imagery and expressive techniques, in its deep structure is difficult to understand without turning to the analysis of verbal material. Therefore, an important goal for us was as complete and accurate reproduction of the verbal texts at our disposal as possible. Of course, only a part of the problems arising in connection with this could be resolved within the framework of a musicological publication.

It turned out to be the most difficult to fix the dialectal and individual performance features of the song vocabulary, phonetics, and the very way of pronouncing the word, so essential for the sound of songs. This applies to the greatest extent to olonkho, ritual folklore and some specific types singing. In any case, we aspired, as in musical decoding, to the most accurate fixation not only of each word (often outdated and now very few understandable), but also extrasemantic moments - plug-in chorus words and syllables, vocalizations, sound-visual techniques and just sound-timbre playing , which occupies a prominent place in Yakut singing. Usually most of this is omitted when verbal texts are published separately. In our case, the decoding of song texts grows into an independent problem that requires the intervention of competent specialists. Not every philologist can become such a specialist. It requires not only a thorough knowledge of folklore and subtle intuition, but also a lot of perseverance and constant ear tension, especially when it comes to relic genres and technically imperfect sound recordings. Most of the previous notations of the author of these lines were “textualized” (supplied with decoding of words) by Pyotr Nikiforovich Popov, who achieved great skill in this difficult and thankless task. With his participation, transcripts were made from phonographic cylinders of the beginning of the century, which were extremely unsatisfactory in technical terms, and from discographic recordings of 1946. He also deciphered the verbal texts and some of the expeditionary records of the last time. A significant part of the new tape recordings was verified by V.P. Eremeev, to whom the compilers of the collection also express their gratitude. The participation of other persons in transcribing and editing verbal texts is specified in the comments to the notations.

Moscow - Yakutsk - Boston, 2014.

FOREWORD Notes

The first notation of the Yakut melody was made by A.F. Middendorf in 1844 (see: Middendorff A.Th. Reise in den Äuβersten Norden und Osten Sibiriens während der Jahre 1843 und 1844, Bd. 4. - St. Petersburg, 1848.) Subsequently, the Yakut songwriting and musical life of the Yakuts were described in the writings of a number of travelers and political exiles.

Belyaev V. Yakut folk songs. - Soviet music, 1937, No. 9; Peiko N., Steinman I. About the music of the Yakuts. - Soviet music, 1940, no. 2.

It seems that with the beginning of the new millennium, the Yakut olonkho is acquiring a new breath, having received international recognition - in 2005 UNESCO ranked it among the masterpieces of the oral intangible cultural heritage of mankind (

Folklore is the basis of the Yakut musical art

To the blessed memory of her husband, friend
Zakharova Timofeevich Tyungyuryadova
dedicated to

Before the Great October Socialist Revolution, the Yakut people did not have their own professional art. Among the indigenous population there was not a single person with a higher or secondary musical education, not a single professional composer, musician, artist. Yakut musical folklore was not recorded or studied. However, this does not give grounds to believe that the Yakuts did not have their own musical culture at all. Unusually original, diverse, it was carefully transmitted in the form of oral folk art - olonkho, dances, songs.
According to the genre, Olonkho should be classified as one of the major musical-epic works, which is a kind of dialogical (along with singing, the use of spoken dialogues) unaccompanied opera. The creators of this vast epic legend about the exploits of the warriors of the Middle World are called olonkhosuts.

Olonkhosut is a highly gifted artist who came out of the people, must have an outstanding memory, the gift of musical and poetic improvisation, a bright voice and dramatic talent, as he is the sole performer of large-scale works telling about the struggle of heroes with evil, for a peaceful, abundant, equal life for all ... Although the basic melodies of olonkho are relatively stable, each olonkhosut develops its own unique style of performance, creates many new variants of melodies.
Olonkho, as a piece of music, has not yet become the subject of scientific research. The Yakut branch of the Siberian Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences has collected several hundred texts written from the best olonkhosuts.
Some musical notations in pre-revolutionary editions were fragmentary (episodic). Three tunes from "olonkho" (melodies without text), taken from the rollers according to the phonographic records of J. Strozhetsky, were notated by A.P. Maslov and published in 1908. In essence, these are conventional recordings of Yakut songs of the ametric style in general. They are prefaced with the title: "The spells of the" olonkho "of the Yakut shamans." But, as you know, shamanic rituals and olonkho are not the same thing, they cannot be mixed. A.P. Maslov also encloses a short article "To the tunes of Yakut songs", in which he tries to analyze the melodies given, concluding: "... the melodic singing of the Yakuts is at a low level of development and, perhaps, is only going through the" era of the fourth " ... Apparently, this pre-revolutionary musicologist could not have assumed otherwise in the musical culture of the "foreigners" - the Yakuts, hence the categorical assessment.
Serious study of Yakut music began only after the Great October Socialist Revolution, thanks to the efforts of Soviet composers and musicologists.
Professor VM Belyaev, a major connoisseur and researcher of the musical culture of the peoples of the USSR, wrote: “In the past, the Yakut people were distinguished by their exceptional musicality, ... in the absence of writing, they had, however, developed creativity and their own musical culture ... the epic, fairy-tale and song creativity of the Yakuts is extremely rich and varied. " He owns "the first scientific work on musical folklore"Yakut folk songs", published in 1937. The article was written on the basis of the analysis of the collection of Yakut songs by F.G. Kornilov and his recordings of olonkho melodies about the hero Ala Murgun.

In 1940, the composer N. I. Peiko and the musicologist I. A. Steinman published an article "On the Music of the Yakuts", where, as musical examples, they cite and analyze several fragments from the olonkho. Moscow musicians were sent by the Department of Arts under the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR to Yakutsk to collect folklore materials. In the summer of 1939, in the city of Yakutsk and in the Megino-Kangalassky region, they recorded Yakut tunes. On the stage of the collective farm club, they saw a theatrical production of olonkho performed by amateur artists, including N.I. Stepanov (bogatyr of the Middle World).
N.I. Peiko recorded several melodies of olonkho, and for the first time published fragments of tunes of new characters - the white udaganka, the fairy of the tree and the bride of the hero of the Middle World.
N. Peiko and I. Steinman were the first to point out the presence of an interval of augmented second and a stable tritone in the Yakut melody. On the example of the melody of the song of Baba Yaga (according to the text it is the song of the old woman Simekhsin), the authors correctly noticed the unstable character of the Yakut mode. At the beginning, the melody "is a continuous buildup, achieved by a gradual expansion of the melodic step in an upward movement and intense rhythmic development." Then "an unexpected decline", and again begins "a gradual expansion of the melodic step, combined with an increase in register." However, the researchers considered such an unusual way of forming a mode to be not a regularity, but explained the phenomenon by the "archaic disorder" of singing. This is not true.
The regularity of unstable harmonic formation in the Yakut song was confirmed by the composer G.A.Grigoryan (1919-1962). “Often a Yakut singer,” he writes, “starting a song in harmony with a narrow range, in the course of its execution, as it were,“ opens ”the harmony, expanding it to a large range." G. A. Grigoryan designated it with the term “unfolding harmony”. The theory of the formation of the Yakut melody, set forth by G. A. Grigoryan, is confirmed by the researcher-folklorist, candidate of art history E. E. Alekseev, he writes that its more complete and accurate definition is not “unfolding”, but “evolving”.
The composer-ethnographer S. A. Kondratyev gives him the following scientific justification: "Usually the upper sounds of the fret show a tendency to increase, and the lower sound either decreases during the performance, or remains unchanged" ... He called these modes "modulating", "because their original tones often disappear, passing into new ones."

For many years M.N. Zhirkov. Genuine olonkho melodies sung to him by olonkhosut U.G. Nokhsorov, formed the basis of the opera "Nyurgun Bootur", used in other works. In the archives of M.N.Zhirkov, kept in the Ministry of Culture of the Yakut ASSR, there are 32 records made by him, many of which have been processed. In 1947, in the first issue of the series "The Heroic Epic of the Yakuts", prepared by the Research Institute of Language, Literature and History of the Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, five musical notations of MN Zhirkov's olonkho were published, the melodies of the songs: Ytyk Khakhaydaan, the sisters of the Middle World hero of the white udagan Aiyy Umsuur, the duet of the Middle World heroes Yuchyugey Yukeideen and Oruluos Dokhsun, as well as the Underworld hero Wat Usutaaki.
Several versions of the songs of the two main characters of the olonkho - Kyys Kyskyidaan and Aiyy Umsuur for the first time fully, with great care, were notated by S.A.Kondratyev, including three - with the text in the Yakut language. It is characteristic that all three Kyys Kyskyidaan songs, which have a single musical leitmotif and were recorded from the voices of different performers (S. A. Zverev, U. G. Nokhsorov and K. E. Kononov), differ significantly in their melodic structure. This is one of the performing features of olonkho as a complex musical and epic work.
The descriptive and narrative parts (olonkho) are recited in a recitative tongue twister, and all the characters' own text, their dialogues, are conveyed in songs.

Olonkho PA Oyunsky "Nyurgun Bootur the Swift", according to our calculations, consists of 36.768 lines of poetry, including: recitatives - 23.259 and songs - 13.509. Of course, the given example is not a certain standard and a mandatory ratio for all olonkho, although in the two previously published recitatives also made up no more than two-thirds, and songs - more than one-third of the entire text.
However, from all of the above, one should not conclude that olonkho is predominantly a textual and recitative work, which many pre-revolutionary followers were inclined towards, considering it a Yakut fairy tale.

True, some already then noted the song character of olonkho. “Certain roles in a fairy tale,” wrote the academician Middendorf in 1843 in his travel notes, “are chanted by the narrator, so I was very surprised when, waking up in a deep dark night, I heard a sharp singing from a nearby yurt, which I was awakened by ... To my question: "What does this mean?", They answered me: "This is an old man telling a fairy tale ... Here is a girl singing ... here is a horse ...".
The famous Russian folklorist and revolutionary Karakozovite I.A. Khudyakov, who was in exile in Verkhoyansk in 1867-1874, wrote that “The Yakut tale (olonkho - GK) is the embryo of folk opera. All prayers (algys - G.K.), almost all conversations, any long speech so often mentioned in fairy tales are not told, but sung by the storyteller, which makes the story very lively. " In fact, olonkho is the songwriting of olonkhosuts, in which most of the time is occupied by songs.
For example, the duration of the complete performance of olonkho "Nyurgun Bootur the Swift" by P. Oyunsky (based on the average calculation of 40 poetic lines of recitative and 12 lines of a song per one minute according to the recording) would be 28 hours 27 minutes, and the singing sounds - 18 hours 46 minutes, recitatives 9 hours 41 minutes.
Whatever the merits of the literary poetic material, the image and character of the heroes are mainly created by the olonkhosut's performance skills, the power of his voice, and the knowledge of various melodies. In the Yakut folk art, the melody without any instrumental or choral accompaniment is already a completely finished piece of music. Olonkhosut creates melodies corresponding to the character and image of each character, and in each piece he tries to find new ones that are different from others, naturally preserving the existing traditions ... However, many olonkhosuts in different olonkho use the same melodies, slightly changing them according the nature of the image.

Olonkho is usually performed by the best singers who have a good command of the national style “dyieretiy yrya”, which was born together with the formation of an independent Yakut nationality, as a peculiar form of songwriting. He constantly improved, reaching his highest flowering in oral folk art - from toyuk to olonkho.
The first musical notation of dyeretiy yrya was made by the Russian scientist A. F, Middendorf in 1843 during his travels across Siberia. The Soviet scientist-folklorist S.A.Kondratyev called songs of this type ametric, that is, not subordinate to a clearly expressed meter, in contrast to another, metric style of singing - degeren yrya, whose tunes fit into a certain time signature. Ametrical songs are free-improvisational by their nature, mostly epic by nature. They are characterized by an abundance of kylysakhs - specific guttural overtones, original ornaments.
Some olonkho songs are performed in a different style of national singing - degeren yrya, the musical notation of which was first published in 1896 in the ethnographic monograph “Yakuts” by VL Seroshivsky. They differ from ametric songs in a wider range, developed melody, modal and rhythmic certainty. This manner is characteristic of lyrical, patriotic, labor, comic, dance songs. On the basis of the metric style of the degeren yrya, images are created in the olonkho: the herd boy Soruk Bollur, the cowshed slave of the old woman Simekhsin, the light udagan women, the sister of the hero of the Lower World. Basically, this singing is a further development, or rather a special form of development of the original diaeretiy yrya.
Dyieretiy yrya and degeren yrya are interconnected, enrich each other. Toyuksuts are sung in ametric style, the best of which become olonkhosuts. The latter, to create their monumental epic-heroic works, olonkho use equally both manners of singing, thereby achieving melodic diversity.

There is also another unique national type of Yakut singing - taqalai yryata (palatine song). The performer, after pronouncing the first syllable of an untranslatable word, interrupts singing with a sharp breath, touching the palate with the tip of the tongue, and then, exhaling, lowers the tongue and ends the word. At the same time, the palatal clicking of the tongue is clearly heard, which gives a unique national flavor. Songs of this style with the words "Kyt-tya, Kyt-tya" are very popular among the people. Olonkhosuts used palatal songs to convey melodies characterizing mythical birds.
Another type of Yakut singing is also known - "khabarҕa yryata" (throat singing), based on wheezing exclamations of "hr-hr". However, he has not yet met in the performance of olonkho, so it can be assumed that he is not used in these works.

How many melodies are there in olonkho? Even pre-revolutionary researchers tried to answer this question. IA Khudyakov wrote: “... the motives of the songs (olonkho - GK) are mostly monotonous; connoisseurs count them up to twenty in all. " Soviet researchers V.M.Belyaev, N.I. Peiko, I.A.
However, today we, possessing many recordings, including the recording of the olonkho "Nyurgun Bootur", cannot give an exact answer to this question. The number of olonkho melodies depends on the number of images created and on the olonkhosut's ability to decorate each of them. One can count the number of melodies in individual olonkho, but it cannot be taken as a criterion for determining the number of melodies in an olonkho in general, as in the musical genre.

Olonkho P. A. Oyunsky "Nyurgun Bootur the Swift" consists of 72 main and secondary images, of which G. G. Kolesov created 34 in the recording version. He sang 131 songs, including: Nyurgun Bootura - 23, Yuryun Walana and Wat Ussutaaki - 15 each, Tuyaryma Kuo and Aiyy Umsuur - 8 each, Kyys Nyurgun - 6, Ogo Tulaayakha, Wat Usumu and Timir Dybyrdana - 5 each, Kyun Jiribine and Kyys Kyskyidaan - 4. Repeating them, as G. G. Kolesov tried to vary, change the melody, preserving its basis (olonkho-sutas create the images of their heroes in this way). The exact number of melodies created by him can be established only by noting all the songs presented in the recording and studying each separately.
However, in any olonkho everything depends on the improvisational talent, experience and vocal abilities of the olonkhosut. And although all the main characters are endowed with relatively stable musical formulas-characteristics - a certain timbre of sound, rhythm, tessitura (register) - the performers modify the leitmotifs, vary them with their individual characteristics, correlate them with the local artistic traditions of the area. This happens on almost every re-execution. Only the fundamental leitmotifs that make up the main musical material of the olonkho remain unshakable.
They have been created and improved over the centuries by the skill of many generations of national singers. Having received the recognition of the people, they have become traditional melodies-synonyms, have survived to this day. The main images are preserved in almost all olonkho, only the names of heroes and other characters, situations and plots of the work change. The presence of leitmotif melodies confirms our conclusion that olonkho has long been considered a major musical and epic work, the pinnacle of the singing art of the Yakut people.

Olonkhosuts in the southern regions of the republic use 30 well-known leitmotif melodies. How many of them were in the past is unknown, since they were not recorded before. According to the stories of listeners and eyewitnesses, the northern regions have their own traditions - many mixed images, other leitmotifs. However, it would be wrong to limit the total number of olonkho melodies to the number of leitmotifs, because it would impoverish our understanding of olonkho music. Moreover, the olonkhosut uses many melodies to create olonkho, in his own performance. And the leitmotive characteristics, in turn, have an infinite variety.
In this work, it is not possible to give musical examples of all leitmotifs and to analyze them. This is the subject of special research. Let us dwell on the general concepts of leitmotif characteristics.

Olonkho leitmotifs mostly consist of three parts. The first part of the song begins with a lead line that has no semantic content. It is repeated several times, and sometimes even in the middle or at the end of the song. Each main image has its own, specific melody, which, as it were, precedes the leitmotif of the image, helps its creation, imparting a musical and semantic coloring. In Evenk (Tungus) legends, where all the monologues are also sung, there is a mandatory chant - a chorus, which is the name of the clan, tribe or the character's own name. This is a musical and poetic formula for the image, similar to the olonkho song.
The second part is the main melody (with variation), the presentation of the content of the song. The third part is a conclusion, often ending with an initial chant or two or three words: blessings, gratitude, good wishes, oaths. The songs vary in length. For example, Nyurgun's song from the second part (song) of PA Oyunsky's olonkho consists of 224 lines of poetry. It would take 56 minutes to play.

Olonkho leitmotifs can be roughly divided into five groups.
The first, characterizing the inhabitants of the Middle World, makes up almost half of all olonkho leitmotifs. Among them, the heroic ones stand out: songs of the main hero, a powerful hero are sung in the bass tessiture, the second hero of the Middle World - in the baritone, the young hero - in the tenor, the female hero - in the contralto, as well as songs - the call of the heroic horse and algys (prayer) - the good wishes of the hero at parting (farewell) with the homeland.
The songs of the heroes of the Middle World begin with a solo: "d'e-buo!" "Kөr-da boo!" The first is used not only in olonkho, it is the beginning of all toyuk. Therefore, songs like "dyeretiy yrya" are often called songs "dye-buo", which in a figurative translation into Russian means: "Well, here!"
The songs of the forefathers - the father and mother of the bride and the heroes - are performed very slowly, sedately, as if conveying the age and solidity of the characters. The same song "d'e-buo", it is also present in the song of the bride. A special leitmotif characterizes the crying of the bride languishing in the Lower World. It is expressed in the words: (Yy-yy, yyibyn! "(Interjection, imitative crying).

The leitmotif of the comedy image of the boy-slave Soruk Bollur, performed in the style of degeren yrya, has several variants. The melody is the words "oһulaata, oһulaata". Soruk Bollur always sings at a fast pace, as if panting and “swallowing” the words, which emphasizes the comic fussiness of the image. It should be noted that the chant of Soruk Bollur is also found among other peoples. For example, the main motive of the Kyrgyz heroic epic "Manas" is similar to it. Some olonkho depicts the image of the folk sage Seerken Sesen, who is characterized by the dance melody osuokhai "cheiyi-cheiyi, chekider" in the style of degeren yrya.

The motive of the song of another comedic image of the old slave Simehsin, which is sometimes introduced instead of Soruk Bollur, is contradictory. For some olonkhosuts, the leitmotif approaches the main motive of the black udaganka, the sister of the hero of the Lower World (a note example is given in the analysis of the article by V.M.Belyaev). In such cases, the singing song is the words: "Iһilikpin-takylykpyn." Others endow this image with an independent leitmotif and give it almost the same fussy character as Soruk Bolluru, with a tune: "Aanaybyn-tuonaibyn!" ("How bitter I am!"). Such a bifurcation of the image is observed when Simekhsin plays a cameo role in the olonkho and sings only one song.
But usually old woman Simekhsin sings two songs with their own leitmotifs. The first is joyful, in which she announces the news of the arrival of the bridegroom of the bogatyr of the Middle World, beginning with the words: "Alaatan-ulaatan!" The leitmotif is close in character to the melody of Soruk Bollur, but at the same time it is significantly different melodiously. The second leitmotif of Simekhsin with a solo:
"Aanaibyn-tuonaibyn" contains a tragicomic element. The bride, leaving her home with the groom, is told about the tragic death of her father and mother, about a fire in home... Rarely are two Simekhsins (two ancestors) introduced into the olonkho, but the leitmotifs remain the same.

The leitmotifs of the inhabitants of the Lower World are not numerous, but melodic and rhythmically very characteristic. The participation of the mighty hero, the titan of the Lower World, usually begins with the solo "Buia-buia, bujac". However, in his, as well as in the songs of other heroes of the Lower World, there are other tunes: "Daya-daya, dayaka", "Aart-dyaaly, aart-tatai", etc., in the course of events the melodies of the leitmotifs vary. In Evenk legends, the song-chorus of the constant enemies of taiga hunters-avakhi (in Yakut “abaasy”) is the same words: “Dyngdy-dyngdy” (the word “dyng” is formed from imitation of the sound of metal).

The suicide song of the hero of the Lower World with a solo song: "Abytaibyn-khalahaibyn" is of a leitmotiv nature. The great interest of researchers was attracted by the song of the sister of the Bogatyr of the Lower World - a black udagan song with a solo: “Iһilikpin-takylykpyn!”, “Iedeenikpin-kuudaanykpyn!” The leitmotifs of negative images of olonkho - characters of the Lower World - are completely different in character and melodic structure from the leitmotifs of the inhabitants of the Middle World. They are characterized by a wide range, leaps at large intervals (septima, tritone), accentuated angularity in the melody, instead of melismatic decorations - extratonal exclamations, interjections, sharp, clear rhythmic pattern, fast tempos.

The leitmotifs of the inhabitants of the Upper World are close to the tunes of Aiyy Aimag. The songs of Yuryun Aar Toyon, like that of the ancestor - the father of the Middle World, are sung broadly, sedately, at a slow pace, but they are more belligerent and strong-willed. Solo: "Bo-bo, boyoko", and sometimes "Die-buo". The heavenly messengers, the servants of Yuryun Aar Toyona Deseldyuts with a singing song: "Neey-bujakka", have a special leitmotif.

The leitmotif of the sister of the bogatyr of the Middle World, the heavenly udaganka (Aiyy Umsuur), one of the positive images of the olonkho with the songs "Doom-eni-doom" or "Die buo!" Is original.
The leitmotif of Aiyysyt, the goddess of childbirth, the female patroness, is sung with a tune: "Che duo-chel baraan!" and is distinguished by great warmth and tenderness.

The leitmotifs of the Tungusic characters of the olonkho differ significantly from those listed above in the nature of their performance.
Tunguska characters are episodic, they are present only in some olonkho, but their leitmotifs are very peculiar, original, based on the characteristic intonations of the melodies of northern peoples, but differ from the leitmotifs of Tungus legends. Three leitmotifs are most characteristic: the powerful Tungus hero - the shaman Ardamaan-Dyardyamaan, the Tungus hero who pretends to be a freezing poor man to kidnap the girl, and the old Tunguska woman. The melody for everyone is the words: “O-lee-te, o-lee-te! Atascan! " They are sung abruptly and in a lisp. Olonkhosuts vary these leitmotifs in different ways, but the best performer was considered DM Govorov, the author of the olonkho "Unstoppable Muldue the Strong", but no recordings of his voice were made.

The leitmotif of the blacksmith Kytai Bakhsy is close to the tunes of Abaasy Aimag, despite the fact that this character is not negative, he is an assistant to the heroes of the Middle World. His tune: “Boo-ya, buia! Buyac! Dayaka! "

Finally, the last group: leitmotifs of the spiritualized images of animal birds and nature.
In olonkho, heroic horses, mythical animals and birds are endowed with reason and human speech - Mek Tugui, Eksyokyu, Hardai, Kytalyk (Siberian Crane), Hara Suor (black crow) and others. They all have their own individual characteristics, special leitmotifs. Olonkhosuts always endowed their images with interesting melodies, onomatopoeia techniques, and special epithets. IA Khudyakov, who listened to the best olonkhosuts a hundred years ago in the city of Verkhoyansk, writes: “The songs of the ravens begin:“ Surt-sart surdurgas, duk-dakh dogunas, ikel-taqhal ”; songs of birds: “chilim-chalym, chilim-chalym! - chachynnyar ".
Unfortunately, most of the melodies of animals and birds have been forgotten, and no records have survived. Modern olonkhosuts avoid performing these images traditionally, and sing in the usual style of dyeretiy yrya. GG Kolesov plays the part of the heroic horse Dyuluskhan Subuya Syuryuka in tenor tessitura to the tune of the hero of the Middle World without any special decorations. The heroic horse “speaks” (sings) with the owner on two occasions: as an advisor warning the hero of an accident, and when running with the horse of the hero of the Lower World. One leitmotif with a solo: "An-nya-a-an-nyaһa" (imitation of the neigh of a horse).
Of the images of mythical animals and birds, the leitmotifs are: eksekyu (like an eagle), kytalyk (Siberian crane) and black crow (auxiliary images of olonkho). Singing kytalyk: "Kyn-kyykyy", for the rest - as indicated above in the quote from the work of I. A. Khudyakov. All these chants are performed in the folk style taqalai yryata (palatine song), onomatopoeia to the cry of the eagle, the singing of the kytalyk, and the croak of a crow.

The leitmotif of the spirit - the Mistress of the land nesting in the sacred Aal Duub tree, Aan Alakhchyn Khotun is closer to the leitmotifs of Aiyy aimag and begins with the melody: "Kyykir-haakyr" or "Die-buo!" The leitmotif of Bayanay - the god of the hunt and trade is rarely performed. It is sung to motives close to the tunes of Aiyy Aimag. Solo: “һaa-һaa-һaa! һuk die! "

The main motives listed by us do not exhaust all the leitmotifs of the olonkho. We do not know the leitmotifs of Dyylga Toyon, Arsan Duolaya, whose images the olonkhosuts sing in different ways. Apparently, they were eventually forgotten due to the fact that these characters are rarely represented in olonkho. We do not show the leitmotifs of the guy Suodalba, a half-man-half-man - a good olonkho hero. Perhaps his leitmotif was not settled, since each performer interprets the image in his own way. Some auxiliary images of olonkho do not have stable leitmotifs. Or maybe they are not known to us?

The presence of a large number of leitmotifs, first of all, is explained by the fact that olonkho is a work of characters of various characters and multifaceted images. According to folklorists' researchers, in the old days, attempts were made to perform collective olonkho, in which the songs of individual heroes were assigned to different olonkhosuts, and elements of theatrical action were introduced into the performance.
Olonkho “The Beautiful Man Bariet Bergen”, “The Bogatyr Kulantai Riding the Red Horse Kulun” were staged for the first time in the Yakut language in 1906-1907. in the city of Yakutsk. Folk singers and famous olonkhosuts acted as performers of the roles.
Monumentality of images and bright depiction characteristic of olonkho, the dramatic nature of the action inherent in them, the art of reincarnation of olonkhosuts extremely developed in the performing and singing manner - all this served as an important starting point in the formation of the national theatrical culture. And it is no coincidence that olonkho formed the basis of the first Yakut opera.

For the development of Yakut musical art, the olonkho drama of PA Oyunsky "Tuyaryma Kuo" based on the plot of his olonkho "Nyurgun Bootur" was of great importance. Initial: the handwritten version was staged on the stage of the Yakutsk Theater on February 16, 1928. Although, as can be seen from the author's review, the singers did not cope with the roles, with the exception of the performer Nyurgun Bootur, this work is the first stage incarnation of olonkho on the stage of the national theater.
A second attempt was made after the final edition of Tuyarim Kuo in 1937, with partial musical accompaniment. MN Zhirkov's music for this production was later used in the opera "Nyurgun Bootur". It is based on genuine melodies sung by olonkhosut U. G. Nokhsorov.

It should be noted that the performers of the first musical drama-olonkho "Tuyaryma Kuo" M. V. Zhirkov (Nyurgun Bootur), A. I. Egorova and A. F. Novgorodova (Tuyaryma Kuo), V. A. Savvin (Wat Ussutaaki) and others were included in the main cast of the opera "Nyurgun Bootur".
The tunes of the main style of olonkho dyeretiy yrya were the first in the Yakut professional music symphonized (recreated in orchestral sound) by the Honored Artist of the RSFSR N.I. Peiko. It is difficult to overestimate his contribution to the development of the musical art of Yakutia.
The tunes of the Yakut olonkho, unique in their melody, mode formation, rhythms, have great potential. Olonkho melodies are a fertile source for the development of the Yakut professional art. If the music of the opera "Nyurgun Botur" is entirely created from olonkho melodies, then thanks to the creative understanding of the national folklore of the people, Yakut musical works of large forms - operas, ballets, symphonies - have been created and are being created.

Galina Mikhailovna Krivoshapko,
ch. symphony orchestra conductor
Yakut television and radio;
honored and folk art. YaASSR, honored. art. RSFSR,
honored art worker of the RSFSR

480 RUB | UAH 150 | $ 7.5 ", MOUSEOFF, FGCOLOR," #FFFFCC ", BGCOLOR," # 393939 ");" onMouseOut = "return nd ();"> Dissertation - 480 rubles, delivery 10 minutes, around the clock, seven days a week

Nogovitsyn Vasily Andreevich. Chabyrgakh as a genre of Yakut folklore: dissertation ... Candidate of Philological Sciences: 10.01.09. - Yakutsk, 2005 .-- 158 p. RSL OD,

Introduction

Chapter I. Genre characteristics of Chabyrgakh 22

1.1. Genre definition 22

1.2. Genre classification 44

1.3. The folds of the deaf Peter 71

Chapter II. Tradition and innovation in the Chabyrgakh genre .87

2.1. General and specific artistic characteristics Chabyrghaha 87

2.2. Yakut literature and Chabyrgakh 105

2.3. Chabyrgakh and amateur performances 116

Conclusion 131

List of sources 139

References 142

Appendix 149

List of abbreviations

Introduction to work

Relevance of the topic. V In the Yakut oral folk art, the genre of chabyrgakh occupies a special place. In the past, chabyrgakh, as a genre of satire and humor, was one of the most popular and beloved genres of folklore of the Yakut people. In amateur performances and professional art, and at the present time he enjoys particular success. Nevertheless, chabyrgakh as a genre of oral folk poetry of Sakha (Yakuts) has not yet been the object of special research.

Due to the fact that there is no special monographic study on this topic in Yakut folklore studies, the candidate for the dissertation opted for the study of chabyrgakh as a genre of Yakut oral folk art.

Based on this, it became necessary to identify traditional and modern chabyrgakhs in terms of content and structure, thereby achieving a deeper definition and understanding of one of the small genres of Yakut folklore - chabyrgakh.

This work is the first attempt to translate the allegorical words of the Chabyrgakh into Russian.

We mainly stuck to scientific translation. But in the sections,

where it is not "possible to translate a literary text, we gave preference to literal translation and in the notes to these texts we tried to give a scientific version of the translation based on the genesis of the texts (concepts).

Since 1985, public life has been built on the principle of democratization and humanization. In recent years, the Concept of Renewal and Development of National Schools in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) was developed, aimed at reviving education in the native language.

There are enthusiastic teachers, cultural workers who have achieved considerable success in promoting Yakut folklore, including chabyrgakh. In 1990, a republican competition of chabyrgakhsyts was successfully held, in which amateur groups from many uluses took an active part. The authors of many texts of the Chabyrgakhs on a modern topic were identified - Gerasimova M.A., Matakhova M.N., Mestnikova E.K., and others. tongue twisters show, on the one hand, the popularity and relevance, and on the other hand, a misunderstanding of the artistic features of this genre, its secrecy, allegory and nonsense. Thus, the relevance of the topic of the proposed work is caused by the increased interest of the people to oral folk art in general and, in particular, to the chabyrgakh genre.

Goals and objectives of the study. The dissertation candidate believes that the traditional genre feature of the chabyrgakh is allegory, zaum, wordplay, poetics of the genre, etc. and the ways of development of the genre in modern Yakut folklore still remain completely unexplored and require a special monographic study. Due to this aim dissertation work is the definition of the role and place of the chabyrgakh in the system of genres of the Yakut oral folk art, the ways of its development and functional significance in modern conditions, i.e. outside the traditional folk environment.

To achieve this goal, the following specific tasks are set:

study of the fundamental principle and evolution of the genre;

structural analysis and classification of the Chabyrgakhs;

analysis of the poetics and semantics of traditional and modern forms of chabyrgakh;

Study of its development and modern existence in the conditions of modern times.

Research object is the traditional genre of the Yakut oral folk art - chabyrgah and its place in modern reality.

The subject of the research is the history of the collection and research of chabyrgakh, the degree of prevalence, definition and classification, poetics and development of the genre.

Research methodology and methodology.

The work uses descriptive, typological, comparative-historical methods, as well as the principle of consistency and semantic analysis. The theoretical basis of the proposed work is based on early research by well-known folklorists, literary critics and linguists related to the study of the problem of genre classification of folklore works, poetic analysis, poetics of folklore and literature (V.M. Zhirmunsky, 1974; V.P. Propp, 1976; A. E. Kulakovsky, 1957, 1978, 1979; A.I. Sofronov (Kyayygyyap), 1926; P.A.Oyunsky, 1959, 1993; G.M. Vasiliev, 1940, 1965, 1973; N.N. Toburokov, 1985 ; N.V. Pokatilova, 1999, and others).

Chronological framework. Second half of the 19th century - XX century.

The degree of study of the topic. The collection and research of materials from the Yakut oral folk art began in the first half of the 18th century. So, early researchers, G. Miller, I. Gmelin, J. Lindenau (1733-1743 II Kamchatka expedition), based on the materials of historical legends, made the first assumptions about the ancestors of the Yakuts, the origin of the Yakut language. In 1842-1845. Academician A.F. Middendorf collected lyrics, olonkho, information about the "circular dance". It is also known that in 1847 A.Ya. Uvarovsky included riddles and the olonkho text in his "Memoirs". R.K. Maak in 1854-1855. during

Expedition in the Vilyui district recorded the texts of two olonkho and riddles.

The first travelers who studied the history and life of the Yakut people have no observations about the chabyrgakh. The first information about the chabyrgakh is found in the work of the famous Russian folklorist, political exiled IA Khudyakov (1842-1875) "A Brief Description of the Verkhoyansk District".

Remarks and separate notes about this genre of Yakut folklore are found in the works of V.L. Seroshevsky [Yakuts, 1993]. Member of the Siberian expedition, political exiled E.K. Pekarsky in his famous "Dictionary of the Yakut Language" defined chabyrgakh as a play on words and meanings.

S.A. Novgorodov in 1914, as a student at St. Petersburg University, was sent by the Russian Committee for the Study of Central and East Asia to Yakutia in order to collect folklore materials. During his expedition S.A. Novgorodov recorded two chabyrghah [Novgorodov 1991, 77-78]. In two of his articles, he noted chabyrgakh as a special independent genre of Yakut folklore [Novgorodov 1991: 19; 1997, p.68].

Perhaps, before him, he was engaged in the recording of texts by the Chabyrgakhs.

founder of Yakut literature, great connoisseur and collector

Yakut folklore A.E. Kulakovsky. He wrote in 1912

literary chabyrgakh. This work was printed in his

collection of 1925:

Allur-bollur Nevpovad-irregular

Ekir-Bukur Vsy-oblique

Yunkyuleehteen, Dancing-ka,

Eriy-buruu Sweeping-awkward

Taybahaydaan, Let's wave,

Egei-dogi Egei-ogoi 7

Yllaamakhtaan, Drink-ka,

Isieheiin ere, dogor! Come on, friends!

Iehei-chuohai yllaamakhtaan, Sing loudly,

Ieyen-tuoyan ytaamakhtaan, Sincerely, with laments

cry,

Iehei-maakhai daibaahaydaan, wave joyfully and sweepingly-

Egiy-doguy yunkyuleehteen ... With exclamations egey-ogoy

dance ... [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, archive unit. 658 a, l.1]

In the introductory part of both texts, there is a grammatical and semantic repetition. There is no similar text in archival and published materials. And the time difference between the first (1912) and the second (1945) options is 33 years. Therefore, it can be assumed that the once widespread text of this chabyrgakh was forgotten or was not attracted by the performers. There is no doubt that A.E. In his work, Kulakovsky used the motif of the chabyrgakh known to the people at the beginning of the 20th century. We can say that he recorded an archaic, now forgotten text of one of the traditional Yakut chabyrgakhs

Our guess was confirmed by the fact that in his letter to E.K. Pekarsky A.E. Kulakovsky wrote that for the development of written Yakut literature, he collected folklore materials and gave a list of collected materials. This list, along with works of other genres, included chabyrgakh [Toburokov et al. 1993: 94].

In 1926, one of the founders of Yakut literature A.I. Sofronov in the article "Chabyrgakh", published in the magazine "Cholbon" (No. 2), expressed the idea of ​​the possibility of developing chabyrgakh as a literary genre. Also in the article, he attempted to define chabyrgakh as a genre. A.I. Sofronov tried to identify the "real chabyrgah" and in

as an example he cited the chabyrgakh Gyulei Dyaakypa "Itege-tetege". According to A.I. Sofronov, the real name of this chabyrgakhsyt is Yakov Vasilievich Titov (1833-1916), but he was also popularly known as Gyulay Byukeni, i.e. Deaf Peter (hereinafter Gyulay Byukeni or Deaf Peter - V.N.). He was a native of the Bakhsyt nasleg b. Meginsky ulus [Novgorodov 1991, p. 108].

In the same article, A.I. Sofronov came to an interesting conclusion that the author's "Folds about what he saw and heard" by Gyulay Bukeene cannot be recognized as real shepherds. It is obvious to us that A.I. Sofronov collected and analyzed the texts of the Chabyrgakhs. It is valuable that he was the first to pay attention to the existence of the folk and literary (author's) texts of the Yakut chabyrgakh [Kyayigiyap 1926: 29-30].

In 1999, the collection of the legendary Chabyrgakhsyt Deaf Peter "Folds about what he saw and heard: Tongue twisters" was published. All texts in the collection are arranged chronologically [Titov 1999, p. 121]. As suggested by the compiler of the collection G.V. Popova / the first texts of "Uluu tunui dyakhtarga" and "Dyosoguyten telkelyah" were written in 1926 by E.E. Makarov [Titov 1999: 121, 125]. Unfortunately, in the texts of E.E. Makarov did not indicate any information about the informant, nor the place of fixation of these texts.

In 1927, on September 14, in the village of Chapchylgan, Amginsky ulus, from T. Toyuktaakh, another text, "Sakhaly Chabyrgakh", was recorded. According to G.V. Popov, this record was found in the materials of I.P. Soikonen [Titov 1999, p. 126].

Thus, the records of E.E. Makarov and I.P. Soikonen laid the foundation for the fixation of the chabyrgakh in Soviet times.

Published by E.I. Korka's book "Olonkho, Songs, Ethnographic Notes" contains the correspondence of G.U. Ergis with M.N. Androsova-Ionova. In one of the letters to M.N. Androsova-Ionova reports: "I wrote several Chabyrgakhs, when you arrive, I will show them to you" [Androsova-Ionova 1993, p. 353]. One of these texts is included in the named book.

In 1938, under the leadership of SI. Bolo and A. A. Savvin organized a folklore-dialectological expedition to the Vilyui group of regions of Yakutia. In order to more fully cover the vast territory of this group of regions, the expedition worked along two routes. Judging by the certification of materials, the collectors relied on the records of teachers and students of rural schools in the work of the expedition. Along with the recordings of olonkho texts, historical legends, folk songs, riddles, proverbs and sayings, special attention was paid to the collection of Chayrgakhs.

An analysis of the chabyrgakh's notes shows that most of the texts were collected by A.A. Savvin. In one Vilyui region, he recorded 41 texts: from the Kyrgydai nasleg - 14, Yugület - 9, Togus - 5, from the Khalbaaky and Khampa naslegs 4 each, Borogontsov - 3, II Kyulet - 2.

From 79 year old resident N.M. Alexandrova from the village of Kugdar, Nyurba region, 5 texts were recorded. Members of the expedition from 73 year old I.G. Kytakhov, a resident of the village of Allyn of the Suntarsky ulus, recorded 13 Chayrgakhs. In the village of Suntar - 6, Tyubei Jarkhan - 8. And 9 more texts were written down by schoolchildren. All these texts are currently stored in the archives of the YSC SB RAS.

In addition to these areas, the expedition worked in two villages of the Kobyai ulus, where in the village II Lyuchun from G. Kychikinov and in the village II Sitte, according to P.G. Kolmogorov were recorded one text at a time. Thus, the expedition led by A.A. Savvina enriched the archival material with 84 texts from the Chabyrgakhs.

During these years, I.G. Chabyrgakhs entered the archives of the Institute of Language and Culture. Ivanov (entry by S.I.Bolo). According to D.G. Pavlova, a text attributed to the Deaf Peter "Onoyorkoon ayakhtanan" was recorded. Also from a resident of the same area I.T. Sofronova P.P. Makarov wrote down the text "Tanara Chabyrgaga".

In 1939, the archive fund of the said institute continued to receive texts from the Chabyrgakhs from collectors-correspondents. In the naslegs of Kobyai district II Sitte and Kuokui P.P. Makarov recorded one chabyrgakh each. In the Churapchinsky region E.E. Lukin wrote down two texts "Kapsalge kiirbit" and "Dyrgyidaan-durguydaan". According to V.D. Lukin, a resident of the village of Khaptagai, Megino-Kangalassky district, the text "Syp-sap" was written down.

In 1939-1941. The Institute of Language and Culture organized an expedition to the northern regions of Yakutia, led by the SI. Bolo and A.A. Savin. She worked on two routes. Chabyrgakhs were mainly gathered in the Momsk region under the guidance of the SI. Bolo and Abyisky district under the leadership of A.A. Savvin.

In 1941, the institute's folklore-dialectological expedition worked in the Amginsky, Gorny and Kobyaysky districts. HER. Lukin, a member of this expedition, in the Amginsky region from the inhabitants of the village of Altantsy collected 2, from the residents of the villages of Abaga, Somorsun, Amis, Omollon, one chayrgakh was collected. In the same year, in the Churapchinsky district, from a resident of the Alagarsky nasleg Lytkina SI. 4 chabyrgakhs were recorded. And also in the naslegs of II Sitte, Kokuy of the Kobyai region and from II Atamai of the Gorny region, one text was recorded.

In addition to expeditionary materials, during these years, the records of the Chayrgakhs from its correspondents continued to come to the archives of the said institute.

Institute of Language and Culture in the period from 1938 to 1941. work on the collection of folklore materials was widely deployed. Over the years, about 150 chabyrgakh texts have been collected.

In the first years of the war in 1941-1943. for obvious reasons, the collection of folklore materials was temporarily stopped. In 1944, the archive fund was replenished with 10 more texts. In the same year, according to the famous folk singer S.A. Zverev from the Suntarsky district of Yakutia and from a resident of the Megino-Kangalassky district, the famous shaman Abramov-Alaadya, the texts of the Chayrgakhs were recorded. Also from the Abyisky, Megino-Kangalassky, Suntarsky and Churapchinsky districts of Yakutia, several chabyrgakhs have entered the archive fund.

More than 10 texts were recorded in 1945. And in the period from 1946 to 1947 more than ten texts of the Chayrgakhs were added to the archive fund. They were recorded in Ust-Aldansky, Vilyuisky, Suntarsky and Ordzhonikidze (now Kangalassky ulus - V.N.) districts by correspondent collectors.

The archival fund of the YSC SB RAS contains the texts of the Chabyrgakhs, recorded from the words of the famous olonkhosut of the Tattinsky region E.D. Kulakovsky-Wat Hoyoston and from a resident of Moma R.P. Uvarovsky. There is also a 1949 record of the chabyrgakh-fold "About what he saw and heard" from an 80-year-old resident of Tatta A.S. Totorbotova. The archive also received chabyrgakhs collected by schoolchildren of the literary circle of the Markhinsky school of the Nyurba region.

In 1951, 1956-1958, from the Vilyui region, according to I. Lebedkin, from the Nyurba region, according to P.S. Spiridonova, I.M. Kharitonov, Momsky district according to R.P. Uvarovsky, Verkhoyansk region from A.E. Gorokhova, N.F. Gorokhov, several Chabyrgakhs were recorded and handed over to the archives.

Thus, it can be argued that the collection of folklore materials on the genre we are studying was mainly carried out in the 30s and 40s.

A folklore expedition that worked in 1960 in the Nyurba region of Yakutia carried out fruitful work to collect the chabyrgakhs. Two texts were recorded in the Megezhek nasleg, one each in the Chukar and I Kangalas naslegs, and several texts were recorded in the regional center of Nyurba.

In the same year E.I. Korkina, P.S. Danilova, P.E. Efremov in the Tattinsky district according to N.P. Dzhorgotov, Ust-Maisky district according to I.P. Adamova, S.N. Atlasova, D.G. Ivanova and T.K. Kochelasov was recorded by several Chabyrgakhs.

In 1962, 1965, 1966, one chabyrgakh was received from Tattinsky and Megino-Kangalassky districts. In 1972, P.N. Dmitriev in the Ordzhonikidze district. Six texts "Altan atyyrdaakh", "Tyuyun-tyuyun tereebyut", "Chuo-chuo cholbon", "Kilietin kelyu", "Muchchu ketyuten" and "Kuogai-iegei" were recorded by P.N. Dmitriev from 70-year-old singer Pavel Innokentyevich Zamorshchikov.

In 1972, a republican folklore festival was held in the city of Yakutsk. Many chabyrgakhs were performed. During the festival, previously unrecorded texts were revealed and handed over to the archive. Have chabyrgakhs: 2 from the performers of the Tattinsky region and 4 texts from A. Romanov from the Megino-Kangalassky region.

In 1973, the texts of the Chabyrgakhs of the folk singer, olonkhosut from the Ust-Aldan region, R.P. Alekseeva.

The archive also contains the text of Chabyrgakh G.S. Semenov-Dyrbyky Habyryys, recorded by V.P. Eremeev in 1974. In 1986, the archive fund was replenished with the texts of several Chabyrgakhs, previously recorded from the words of Konon Sergeev in the Nyurba region.

Thus, the first records of the Chayrgakhs were made even before the October Revolution, but the purposeful collection of materials was carried out in 1938-1941. Rich material was collected by folklore and dialectological expeditions of the YALI Institute. Most of the texts were collected by the SI. Bolo, A.A. Savvin, E.E. Lukin, P.P. Makarov, I.P. Pakhomov.

Judging by the passport of the records, the chabyrgakhs were collected from most of the territory of the republic. Chabyrgakhs did not gather in the Kolyma group of uluses, in some northern and southern uluses, where expeditionary work was not carried out.

Having grouped the texts of the Chabyrgakhs recorded in different uluses and stored in the archives of the YSC SB RAS, we got the following picture:

Vilyuisky - 47;

Suntarsky - 32;

Nyurbinsky-19;

Megino-Kangalassky - 16;

Alekseevsky (now Tattinsky ulus) - 14;

Momskiy and Abyyskiy-12 each;

Amginsky, Ordzhonikidze (now Kangalassky ulus), Churapchinsky, Ust-Aldansky, Kobyaysky - 9 each;

Ust-Maisky - 4;

Namsky-2;

10. Tomponsky, Yansky, Verkhne-Vilyuisky - one text each.
So, the archive of the YSC SB RAS today contains more than

two hundred texts recorded by 90 performers from 17 uluses. About a hundred texts were recorded in the Vilyui group of uluses, 58 in the central group of uluses, 39 from the northern groups. These data indicate that chabyrgah is widespread and is a favorite genre of the Yakut people.

An interesting fact is that, in comparison with the Vilyui group of uluses, a smaller number of Chabyrgakhs were recorded in the central uluses. As you know, it was in these ulus that most of the famous olonkhosuts, singers and connoisseurs of antiquity were born and lived. ED Androsov, the author of a popular science essay in two parts "Olonkhosuts and Singers of Tattas", writes: "All the famous olonkhosuts of the Tattinsky ulus were also skilled Chabyrgakhsyts" [Androsov 1993].

In our opinion, this issue can be explained by the following circumstances: firstly, the collection and study of oral folk art in the central district of Yakutia was begun and more or less fully carried out even before the October Revolution. It was in this district that the famous Sibiryakov expedition (1894-1896) worked, the participants of which were political exiles, well acquainted with the Yakut life, quite tolerably fluent in the Yakut language; secondly, the first researchers and enthusiastic collectors of Yakut folklore mostly came from the central uluses. Apparently, the Institute of Language and Culture considered that in the central uluses the collection of folklore materials is more or less successful. Therefore ^, they decided to pay the main attention to the coverage of remote uluses of the republic. In this regard, the first professionally trained SI folklorists. Bolo and A.A. Savvin was sent to the Vilyui and northern uluses.

As a result, more chabyrgakh texts were recorded in the Momsky and Abyisky uluses than in some central uluses, where since ancient times oral folk art has been developed more strongly than in the peripheries of Yakutia, in particular, in such central uluses as Amginsky, Kangalassky and Ust-Aldansky ...

The passport data of 39 texts of the Chabyrgakhs recorded in the northern ulus, at first glance, give the impression that the Chabyrgakhs in the north

was mainly distributed in Moma and Abyye. However, according to the informant G.P. Potapov, it follows that, although the chabyrgah was recorded in the Abyisky ulus, it also existed in the Yanek ulus (now Verkhoyansk - V.N.): "Bu kisi Dyaany I Baidy kisite. Ol onno biir kyrdagas emeeheinten eremmit dodgineutugar. 15 / IV -40 s. " - "This man is a native of I Baida Yanek (apparently Yansky ulus - VN). There he learned from an elderly old woman, even when he was in his homeland" [Archive of YSC SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, ed. xr.481, l.8].

In 1999, during our folklore expedition in the village of Dulgalakh, Verkhoyansk ulus, a native resident of Vasilyeva Vera Vasilievna (born in 1935, education of 7 grades) said the following: -telemeet, // Eppit-tyymyt, // Esiekei-dyierenkei ... "bert usunnuk eteechchi yes, umnaasbippin. Manik kys tusunan bysyylaah ete." Erien daba yrbaahylaakh. mother's tongue twisters: "Nodding-swaying, // Around, and about, // Pieces-shreds, // Who said-exhaled, // Round dance-jumping ..." I performed for a long time, but I forgot. It seems that it was about a playful girl "With a colorful dress ...", etc. Finished in Russian (distorted in the Yakut way - VN) "Chervonets is happy" ".

From a resident of the village. Dulgalakh, Verkhoyansk ulus Sleptsov Gavril Aleksandrovich-Sabieskei Ganya (born in 1932, education of 7 grades) in the same year the following information was recorded: - VN) seems to have performed tongue twisters ... I remember that in the boarding school I rarely jokingly performed tongue twisters. ”In those days, tongue twisters were even in textbooks.

It was in 1942, probably ... then in my childhood "(Dulgalakh village. Ysyakh yspyt locality. 08/21/1999).

During the expedition, we got acquainted with six traditional texts of the Chabyrgakhs, which were recorded in the village of Sartan of the Verkhoyansk region by a 1st year student of the historical and philological faculty of the Yakut State University Sleptsova Nina Ignatievna (now Filippova - V.N.), dated 1966. The texts were typed on a typewriter and kept in the archives of the museum of the city of Verkhoyansk "Pole of Cold" and by the collector herself.

Thus, the absence of records of samples of works of certain genres in certain uluses does not indicate the oblivion of any genre in individual uluses, but speaks of the unevenness of field work on the collection of folklore materials in Yakutia.

We were interested in the fact that in the three Kolyma uluses, where the folklore-dialectological expedition was carried out (1939-1941), not a single Chabyrgakh text was recorded. This can be explained by the following reasons: firstly, the great distance from the cultural center of the republic, i.e. central uluses, did not allow scientists to visit uluses when the genre existed; secondly, the low population density of the districts did not allow the genre to actively exist and was the reason for the extinction, and then disappearance from active use, thirdly, the head of the folklore-dialectological expedition SI Bolo, apparently, focused on collecting historical legends. print the manuscript "The Past of the North of the Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic", where Sesnem Bolo, on the basis of historical legends of the northern Yakuts, made an attempt to study the history of the Yakut exploration of the valleys of the Indigirka and Kolyma rivers [Vinokurov 1993: 39].

In addition, we found that during the expedition to the Vilyui group of regions in 1938-39, SI. Bolo recorded only

three texts of the Chabyrgakhs and then only from one informant [F.5, op.Z,
unit storage 5, l. 12]. Perhaps this did not satisfy the management of the Institute,
therefore, in the first settlement of the expeditionary route on
Sever, in the Momsky region S. Bolo recorded 15 texts of the Chayrgakhs. Further,

probably, the desire to study the history of the region took up, and he switched only to the recording of historical legends and stories. For this reason, it seems to us, in the Kolyma group of SI uluses. Bolo did not record a single text of the chabyrgakh.

All of the above allows us to conclude that the chabyrgah was distributed throughout the territory of the Yakut settlement, including in the extreme northeast, since the genre itself is an integral part of the folklore of the people and lives in the memory of the rhapsodes in any spatial-temporal relations on any territory

1 which is mastered by the nomad of the north - the Yakut hunter, Sakha reindeer herder and

the herdman.

So, in the history of research and collection of the genre, we have identified four stages: 1) 1870-1911; 2) 1912-1934; 3) 1935-1974; 4) 1989-2001 years.

The first stage gives us scanty, but the first necessary information about the chabyrgakh, important for the study of its genesis as a genre. Political exiles: Russian folklorist I.A. Khudyakov, Polish writer, ethnographer V.L. Seroshevsky, compiler of the Yakut language dictionary, academician E.K. Pekarsky was considered a chabyrgakh a play on words, an example of wit, pun, joke. V.L. Seroshevsky suggested that the chabyrgakh originates from the ritual poetry of the Yakuts, incomprehensible to an outside listener.

At the second stage (1912-1934), attempts to define the genre and

“Individual remarks about the specifics and features of the chabyrgakh were

expressed by the first constellation of the Yakut intelligentsia - A.E. Kulakovsky,

S.A. Novgorodov, A.I. Sofronov and P.A. Oyunsky. At this time, the chabyrgakh was preserved in its traditional forms and continued to exist, as in the pre-revolutionary times.

The third stage (1935-1974) was the heyday of collecting activity with the assistance of the Institute of Language and Culture under the Council of People's Commissars of the Yakut ASSR, opened in 1935 (later the Institute of Language, Literature and History of the YaP SB AS USSR).

An archive was organized at the institute, where more than 200 texts were deposited, which formed the basis of our research and were subjected to detailed analysis.

From 1975 to 1988, according to our data, no research work on the collection and analysis of the Chayrgakhs was carried out. But at the same time, chabyrgakh, as a satirical genre, was in demand for scourging individual shortcomings of society and human vices, and became popular in amateur performances. This allowed the genre not only to survive, but also to develop further. The evolution of the chabyrgakh received a new impetus: the texts were transformed, and sometimes they were written anew, i.e. development received a second author's life, one might say, a new ideological and social orientation.

Purposeful scientific study of chabyrgakh as a genre of Yakut folklore began only in the late 90s. XX century Thus, in 1989 an article by G.A. Frolova "Chabyrgakh" [Frolova 1989: 96-100]. After that, separate collections of texts by amateur authors and articles in local newspapers and magazines / dedicated to the chayrgakh appeared. The main content of the articles boiled down to the fact that the genre is viable and in demand, needs assistance for further development as a colloquial satirical genre of amateur art.

skill of the Chabyrgakhsyts But these articles did not resolve the controversial issues, did not give anything new in the issue of the definition and classification of the genre. In the articles of A.G. Frolova, then in ours the question was raised that the "folds about what he saw and heard" of Deaf Peter cannot be attributed to the Chabyrgakh genre.

Separately, it should be noted the article by E.N. Romanova "Children's folklore of the Yakuts: text and metatext", where the author considers Yakut tongue twisters as "the" first speech "in the sacred tradition" and considers it the basis for the emergence of poetic speech [Romanova 1998]. Later, her hypothesis was supported in an article by L.I. Novgorodova and L.F. Rozhina "Chabyrgakh: text and metatext (to the problem of non-ritual forms of Yakut folklore)" [Novgorodova, Rozhina 2001].

In the book of N.V. Pokatilova, "Yakut Alliterative Poetry", a detailed consideration of the chabyrgah construction; as a manifestation of the early literary stage in the development of the Yakut alliterative verse. She denotes the poetic features of the chabyrgakh as an archaic genre of the Yakut oral poetry [Pokatilova "1999].

A number of collections of chabyrgakhs A. D. Skryabina "Methods of teaching chabyrgahs (tongue twisters)" was also published. The texts of the Chabyrgakhs on contemporary topics were published by active participants in amateur performances M. Matakhov, M. Gerasimov, etc.

Thus, at the fourth stage of the study, the main attention was paid to identifying the difference between traditional and modern Chabyrgakhs, the peculiarities of the genre and its forms, as well as analyzing the creativity of the Chabyrgakhsyts. Along with this, this period can be considered a period of revival of chabyrgakh as a genre of satire in the Yakut oral folk art.

Source base of the study. The research was carried out on the following groups of sources:

archival, handwritten materials from the funds of the ASC SB RAS;

works of Yakut writers and texts of modern Chabyrgakhsyts, published separately, as well as published on the pages of republican newspapers and magazines in the Yakut language;

field materials of the dissertation student, collected in 1993-2003. in Amginsky, Verkhoyansk, Kangalassky, Megino-Kangalassky, Olekminsky, Ust-Aldansky, Churapchinsky uluses of Yakutia and materials collected by students of the Yakut State University and the College of Culture and Art of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) during educational folklore practice under the guidance of a dissertation scholar.

The novelty of the work lies in the fact that it was the first to systematize and give a generalized analysis of chabyrgakh as a traditional genre of Yakut folklore. For the first time on a wide folklore material through a comprehensive study, an interpretation of its genesis is given, the evolution of the chabyrgakh is shown, and the ways of its modern development are revealed.

The theoretical and practical significance of the work. The research undertaken in the dissertation contributes to the study of the previously insufficiently studied genre of Yakut oral folk poetry, defines chabyrgakh as a special genre, determines the artistic and aesthetic possibilities of the genre, reveals the structural and semantic features, poetics and specificity of Yakut tongue twisters. The results of the dissertation research can be used in the preparation of scientific and methodological manuals, for further study of the Yakut versification by students-philologists, teachers and methodologists on Yakut literature and folklore, as well as propagandists of the folklore traditions of the Sakha people, members of amateur art groups, authors-writers of the chabyrgakhs on modern themes. Thesis materials can be

involved for a comparative and comparative analysis of similar genres of oral folk art of other peoples.

Approbation of work. The main provisions of the dissertation are set out in
d speeches and abstracts at scientific conferences, including

Republican scientific and practical conference "S.A. Zverev:
Folklore and Modernity ”(Yakutsk, 2000); Republican scientific
practical conference "Christianity in art, folklore and
education "(Yakutsk, 2000); III International Symposium
“Baikal Meetings: Cultures of the Peoples of Siberia” (Ulan-Ude, 2001);
Republican scientific and practical conference "Spirituality -
the imperative of the time ”(Yakutsk, 2001); scientific and practical conference
Sofronov Readings (Yakutsk, 2001); Republican scientific
practical conference "Actual problems of modern Yakut"
1 philology "(Yakutsk, 2002); I interregional scientific conference

"Language. Myth. Ethnoculture "(Kemerovo, 2003); IV International

symposium "Ethno-cultural education: improving the

training specialists in the field of traditional cultures "(Ulan-Ude,

2003). The applicant also made a presentation at the Republican

scientific and practical seminar of cultural workers "Chabyrgakh

(tongue twisters): tradition and modernity ”(Balyktakh village, Megino-

Kangalassky ulus, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), 2002).

The dissertation student conducts a special course "Chabyrgakh as a genre of oral folk poetry" for students of philology at the Yakutsk State University, as well as students of the College of Culture and Art in Yakutsk.

The structure of the thesis consists of an introduction, two
chapters, conclusions, list of sources and used literature,
X applications.

Genre definition

Before proceeding with the definition of the genre, we considered it necessary to make an attempt to identify the genesis of the chabyrgakh. There is no definite hypothesis about the origin of this genre in the Yakut folklore studies. Nevertheless, solving the issue of the origin and formation of folklore genres is of particular importance. As S. G. Lazutin writes, elucidation of the genesis and ideological and artistic specifics of genres gives us "the opportunity to more accurately determine their place in modern folklore, to express more realistic considerations about the prospects for their further development" [Lazutin 1989, p. 3].

Therefore, it is of paramount importance to cover the issue of the origin of the chabyrgakh - one that enjoys interest as a play on words, and as a genre of satire and humor.

Judging by some remarks, chabyrgakhs originated in ancient times. Also in late XIX century V.L. Seroshevsky noted that children's tongue twisters "contain fragments of ancient spells" [Seroshevsky 1993: 515].

As A.I. Sofronov, some words used in chabyrgakh are sometimes incomprehensible even to the performer himself. They, apparently, are words of ancient origin that have not survived in modern vocabulary and no one knows their true meaning now [Kyayygyyap 1926: 29].

On the antiquity of the genre's origin there is an interesting remark by G.V. Ksenofontova in the work "Uraanghai Sakhalar. Essays on the ancient history of the Yakuts" [Decree. Op. vol. 1. P.338]. The author cites two lines of a children's tongue twister consisting of paired words, the exact meaning of which, according to him, was "not entirely clear" to them:

"Anghara-Janghara Walbara-Chuolbara ..." As he explained, here the word "Anghara" is associated with the Angara River flowing from Lake Baikal. G.V. At the same time, Ksenofontov cited an old Buryat legend about Lake Baikal, where "Lake Baikal is a deep old man who has many sons - rivers and rivers that bring their waters to the parent's bosom, but the old man has only one wasteful daughter, the beautiful Angara, who is he takes his father's acquired waters with him somewhere to the north as a dowry "and thus ruins the old man of Lake Baikal. This is perhaps the only text that has retained the name of the river, where, according to G.V. Ksenofontova, our ancestors / acquaintances once lived with the legend about the beautiful Angara. In favor of this version, an explanation of G.U. Ergis that "Diengkere Baikal is a transparent-water Baikal, Angkhara Baikal is an Angara Baikal" [Orosin 1947: 39]. That is, the name of the Angara River is precisely indicated here. And the word "walbara" is a modified verb from "wallar" (wol - to dry + couples the verb of the motivating voice + and the affix singular h. 3 l.) Meaning dries or drains. Thus, the interlinear translation of this text is as follows: "Angara-Dzhangara Dries-Dries ..." Oyunsky that "the first ancient Yakut creator of the artistic word, before the ascent to the highest stage, olonkho began with the form of chabyrgakh ..." [Oyunsky 1962, p. 104]. Here he gives an example from olonkho: Iegel-kuogal Iil-tapyl \

Ingkel-tangkhal Iedeen-kuudaan Literal translation of this text into Russian is impossible, so here is an interlinear translation: Swaying-bending // Throwing back and forth // Swaying from side to side // Grief and misfortune came. Thus, P.A. Oyunsky believed that the chabyrgakh is the "first step" of the olonkho. Therefore, we should look for the historical roots of the chabyrgakh in the texts and images of the olonkho.

V.V. Illarionov emphasized that "the description of the appearance of the Abasy heroes, udagans in the form of verse is similar to the chabyrgakh, and therefore it is no coincidence that most olonkhosuts are chabyrgakhsyts" [Illarionov 1990: 4.].

In the anthology "Yakut folklore" D.K. Sivtsev-Suorun Omolloon noted that the mythological images of the oral folk poetry of the Yakuts are "the soil for the further development of Yakut folklore" [Sivtsev 1947: 17].

According to P.A. Oyunsky, "the ditties of this most ancient type of folk art do not contain either an object or an action, they only have a subject with his own qualities" [Oyunsky 1993, p.61.]. This is how the aiyy bogatyr Kyun Dyiribine calls the bogatyr of the Lower World Wat Uputaaky: Buor sirey Earthy muzzle, Burgaldy soto Yoke-shaped shin, Khaannaakh ayakh Bloody mouth, Hara chokyun ... Evil robber ... [Oyunsky 1959, p.81]. In the olonkho "Buura Dokhsun" the image of a hero from the Lower World Esekh Dyuksyul (literally - a blood clot Finishing off) is conveyed in the following figurative words: Ardyaakh tiis ... With rare, large teeth ... [Erilik Eristiin 1993, p.60] Any olonkhosut describes negative images satirically, with a mockery. For example, in the text of the olonkho "Nyurgun Bootur the Swift" in the form of a chabyrgakh, mainly images of Udagan women are depicted.

Genre classification

In 1937 G.U. Ergis developed the "Program for the collection of Yakut artistic folklore", where the section devoted to the collection of chabyrgakh, as it were, classifies it, pointing to the intra-genre variety. This classification was published in the methodological manual of G.U. Ergis "Companion of the Yakut Folklorist" (1945) and in his "Instruction to the Collectors of Soviet Folklore" (1947). According to G.U. Ergis, there are the following types of chabyrgakhs: "a) quick pronounced short tongue twisters, for example: etege-tetege or chuo-chuo cholbon, etc. b) folds seen and heard. C) tongue twisters with descriptive-figurative content .. . "[AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, storage unit Z, l.8]. Thus, G.U. Ergis was the first to attempt a scientific classification of the chabyrgakh. But, in our opinion, this genre requires a more detailed consideration and identification of several types of chabyrgakh, since the definition of G.U. Ergis does not fully reflect the specifics of the genre.

Genre chabyrgakh D.K. Sivtsev classifies into two types: with figurative and direct meanings. He identified the children's chabyrgakh with Russian tongue twisters by their functional meaning [Yakutsk folklore 1947, p. 144]. Chabyrgakh as a genre of humor and satire in terms of the severity of the content and nature of the work, from the point of view of D.K. Sivtseva, close to Russian ditties. DK Sivtsev's conclusions are curious, but there is a lot of confusion in them. The commonality of the functional purpose of folklore works of different peoples does not indicate their interaction or mutual influence, but only speaks of the commonality of tasks that the ethnos solves with the help of folklore. Classification by the type of content - into hidden, veiled and not hidden (direct), is ineffective for the study of the genesis and essence of the chayrgakh. So, satire can be hidden or specific, addressed to a real character. Chabyrgakhs of this kind, of course, belong to the same type of chayrgakhs.

Repeating his main conclusions about the chabyrgakh as a special genre of Yakut folklore, G.M. Vasiliev emphasized the stability of the genre and noted the flourishing of chabyrgakh in amateur performances [Vasiliev, 1973: 167]. He saw the further development of the chabyrgakh in its formation as a genre of satire, which has now been confirmed.

G.M. Vasiliev described in more detail the distinctive features of the genre and the ways of its development. At the same time, G.M. Vasiliev did not give a clear classification of this genre of Yakut folklore.

When classifying chabyrgakh, we proceed from the fact that chabyrgakh in its functional meaning (broad sense) is diverse. If the chabyrgakhs of the "bilbit-karbyut" type - "learned, heard" or "sireyinen kapsir" - from the "first person" can be attributed to a certain group, then the classification of humorous or amusing chabyrgakhs according to their purpose presents certain difficulties, due to the fact that it is impossible to guess the content of such chabyrgakhs in most cases.

From Grigoriev Kapiton Grigorievich (83 years old) from the village of Ynakhsyt of the Nyurba ulus in 1960, schoolchildren from the Markhinsky literary circle recorded three chabyrghah. What these chabyrgakhs were about and when they arose, he could not say. Explained that. "Earlier, when I was a child, they used to say that. Imitating them, we used to say such chayrgakhs to each other." He said that people, not understanding what they were talking about, laughed and asked each other: "What did you say, what did you say ?!" [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.6, d.353, l.7].

N.V. Emelyanov classified the genre "according to the common genesis, internal content and compositional-structural organization." He grouped chabyrgakhs according to their functional purpose: "1) children's play; 2) amusing or humorous; 3) satirical; 4) folds about what he learned." Thus, N.V. Emelyanov proposed a more complex intra-genre classification [Ibid .: 325-339].

From the field of view of N.V. Emelyanov, the most ancient forms of chabyrgakh, such as allegorical, chabyrgakh-riddles, as well as the use of chabyrgakhs in the heroic epic, fell out.

N.V. Emelyanov writes that modern chabyrgakhsyts perform many chabyrgakhs only according to the established tradition. And listeners perceive it as a play on words [Ergis 1974, p. 330].

Judging by the texts, many Chabyrgakhs simultaneously contain elements of humor, fables, so to speak, "teasers", so it is extremely difficult to attribute each of them to any specific group. When analyzing the chabyrgakhs, we considered it possible to attribute some of their samples to one or another type, based on the assessment of which of these elements prevails in a given chayrgakh.

From the above, it follows that the chabyrgakh genre has been the object of attention of many researchers, however, there is still no complete classification Chabyrgakh, the issues of its genesis, semantics and evolution during the post-October revolution remain insufficiently studied.

All of the above allows us to conclude that the Yakut chabyrgakhs should be classified into children's chabyrgakhs and chabyrgakhs for all listeners - adults and children. As you know, the Yakuts in the past lived in yurts, which were not divided into separate rooms. Meals and festive feasts were common for all family members. Children were present at all ceremonies, when olonkho was performed. Chabyrgakhs were performed for general entertainment.

Children's chayrgakhs can be divided into works, the purpose of which was the formation of correct diction; development of figurative thinking, knowledge of the world around, satire. As noted above, for the development of speech, children were forced to perform puns.

General and special artistic characteristics of Chabyrgakh

Chabyrgakh is a kind poetic genre Yakut oral folk art. It is possible that chabyrgakh is the initial stage of the Yakut alliterative verse [Pokatilova 1999].

In this case, "in the absence of alliteration ... metrically feels like a verse due to a distinct division into commensurate segments" [Pokatilova 1999, p.31]. According to N.V. Pokatilova, this "type of chabyrgakh represents an earlier stage in the development of alliterative verse ..." [Pokatilova 1999, p. 31]. As she writes, chabyrgakh is the basis of "the most archaic verse ... Conventionally, this phenomenon can be designated as relics of the" pre-alliterative "connectedness of the verse" [Pokatilova 1999: 35]. Along with alliteration, rhymes play a significant role in the structural organization of chabyrgakh. As you know, verbal rhymes prevail in Yakut poetry, tk. in the Yakut language, the verb usually appears at the end of a sentence. The specificity of the Chayrgakhs is that they mainly rhyme with nouns and definitions. An analysis of archival materials shows that such rhymes are found in about 80% of the available records of the Chayrgakhs. Words in chabyrgakhs often rhyme with the help of suffixes like "laah" and its variants: "looh", "deeh", "daah", etc. For example: Ogdyogurkaan oioolooh, With a short caftan, Sagdyakyrkaan samyylaakh, With slender hips, Emtegiykeen enerdeeh, With a short apron, Byrykaikaan byardaakh, With a poor appendage, Byultagirkehen byordaeh.

Stable, constant epithets are characteristic of folklore works. In Yakut oral folk poetry, epithets are the favorite means of poetic characterization of objects. In chabyrgakhs, epithets clearly characterize the distinctive features of the appearance of animals. Moreover, they are described in the form of an enumeration, a consistent characteristic of the appearance of the animal. For example: Sartayar tanyilaakh, With wide nostrils, Sandalas harakhtaakh, With widened eyes, Sabaary tyosteeh, With wide chest, Dalligyr kulgaakhtaakh, With spread ears, Sallagar bastaakh, With a big head, Kugus monnyulaah, With a thin neck, big , Sibie sistaeh, With a strong back, Bydagay argastaakh, With a high crest, Chabydygas tuyakhtaakh With pounding hooves Taba kyyl baar. There is a [animal] deer. [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, storage unit of South Ossetia, l.ZZ] Or, the image of a cow: Sytykan yyraakh, Fetid hoof, Sylaran tamyk, Torn popliteal, Chorooh kuturuk, Sticking tail, Turuoru muos, Straight horn, this Tokur. Curved back. [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, item 675, l.98]

When characterizing a person, figurative and descriptive epithets are also used in the form of a number of definitions: Mylachchy bergese Yoryu yutyulyuk Neetle son Kuolaidyyr keenche Syppakalyir emchiire Borbuyduur syya Syryy aatym, Sygynyk Dyosun aatym RAN SopykuruN op.Z, unit Z, l.8] The first six lines list the appearance, clothes: Hat on the crown // Knitted mittens // Worn coat // Onuchi on bare feet // Wet bag // Nataznik to the knee fold //, the last three lines give a characterization of the hero from his "I": the well-known name (ie he was a well-known olonkhosut) "Sygynyk" // A worthy name "Sofronov" // Popular name "Nikolay". Homogeneous phrases (adjective + noun) serve as rhythm-forming elements in these chabyrgakhs.

Figurative epithets are also used in the chayrgakhs, "the so-called picture words are a special national type of pictorial epithets" [Romanova 2002: 41]. Such epithets distinguish "signs of appearance, manners, manners and movements" [Romanova 2002, p. 41]. In the article "Yakut language" AE Kulakovsky wrote: "The Yakut language represents the height of perfection in relation to the descriptiveness of the external forms of an object or person (forms, figures, types of movement, etc.) ..." [Kulakovsky 1979, p. 385].

For example, the image of a riotous, frivolous, scandalous woman is created using epithets characterizing her manner (see pp. 81-82).

Epithets are often used to depict the appearance of animals. For example, in the chayrgagh, where the horse is described, the following words are used: Seniyete semeldyie, [his] chins fluttered, Tanyyta tartalliyya, [his] nostrils twitched, Tiise yrdalliyya, [his] teeth gleamed, Keneriite meleosiloryuyada [his] etc. steel, etc. [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, item 44, l.1-3]. The appearance of a cow in chabyrgakh is lovingly described by the following epithets: Chorogurkaan kuturuktaakh, With a fidgety tail, Hotogorkoon sistaeh, With a bowed back, Khorogorkoon muostaakh, With pointed horns, Dallagarkan muostaakh, With sprawling ears, Malstukegarygarashaykahygarya With hammering forks on the hooves. [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, archive unit YO, l.33] An analysis of the epithets used in the chayrgakhs shows that these works do not contain such detailed descriptions that are often found in olonkho. In the chayrgakhs, short epithets that have become practically stable formulas are used. The epithets "dardyr syarga" - "thundering sleigh", "onnyuur bagana" - "playful pillar", etc. are most often found in the chabyrgakhs. In the Yakut chabyrgakhs, the method of hyperbolization is quite often used. For example: There were bysa surbyut With a cloud cutting by the running Byrdya erien ogustaakh, The light-colored bull of Hallaany haya surbyut With the sky splitting the running Hara saadyagay ynakhtaakh ... A cow with a black ridge ... [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, units of storage 417, l.6] The hyperbole is also used in the hunter's allegory speech about the size of prey: Badyilestegi meiitinen, Along the top of an impassable place, Kylystaagy kyrytynan, Along the edge of a place overgrown with sedge, Yoteegi yurdyunen, On the top of a place with overgrown Manganese places where sedge [got] grows, / Uon at olbuora, Load for ten horses, Bies at belbiere And load for five horses of Suburut dyard, Straight-tailed fucked, Tonsuruku kirdielas! The pecking peck! [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, storage unit. 417, l.14-15] Or: Ballayan-ballayan Swollen-swollen Balagan saga, The size of a booth, Yulleyen-yulleyen Swelling-swollen Yullyuk saga. The size of a bear. [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, item 100, l.13] In this example, with the help of hyperbole, the appearance of a person is clearly shown. In the Yakut chabyrgs, comparisons are sometimes used. This technique is more common in humorous and satirical chabyrgakhs. For example: Kirgil kines, Knyazets - woodpecker, Kukaky kuluba, Head - jay, Sakhsyrga saryysa, Tsaritsa - fly, Chachchygynyar chachchyyna, Sergeant-major - thrush, Netaki terapiesinnik, Stryapchiy soviet suvoruk, Pryapchiy soviet raven, Turaakh narodnay, Narodny [assessor] - crow, Elie eteechchi, Informer - kite, Chychaakh tylbaaschyt, Tolmach - bird, Soluon suyuya, Judge - elephant, Andy agabyyt, Pop - turpan, Cherkoy lechyoky, Dyachok - chyrachek .. The bishop is a heron ... [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, item 100, fol. 13] This is how, with the help of comparisons, officials of the royal administration and ministers of the church are aptly characterized in the Chayrgakhs. Yulluk is a tanned bearskin used as bedding [EKP, t III, stb 3119]. One of the features of the poetics of the chabyrgakh is the use of onomatopoeic words. For example, the word "las" - "clap": ... las-las ... clap-clap Kharana oyuurdaakh ... With a dark forest ... .658, l.1] This word is sometimes used as the ending of the chayrgagh: Ollon buku, las Leg on leg, clap Las-las-las! Clap-clap-clap! [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.Z, item 562, fol. 13] In the chayrgakhs there are onomatopoeic words similar in meaning to the word "las" "lyky-lyky lynkyr" - "don-don ringing", "laky-laki lankyr" - "buh-bukh rattling", "lakh-lakh lachyrgyyr" - "squish-squish squishy" [AYANTS SB RAS, f.5, op.4, item 116, l.6].

Yakut literature and Chabyrgakh

Chabyrgakh as literary genre was first used in the works of the founders of Yakut literature A.E. Kulakovsky and A.I. Sofronov. Later, P.A. Oyunsky, V.M. Novikov-Kunnyuk Uurastyrov, P.N. Toburokov, etc.

This chabyrgakh in the monograph "History of Yakut Literature" is assessed as "artistically quite independent own tongue twister" [Toburokov1993, p.100]

In the article "Yakut language" A.E. Kulakovsky wrote that in the Yakut language there are words that do not have "general citizenship and are immediately invented by the speaker only and solely for a given case ... Each such word draws several signs of an object at once, expressing at the same time the movement of the object of conversation" [Kulakovsky 1979, p. 385]. This hypothesis is also acceptable for the traditional chabyrgakh. The technique of such word-creation was very successfully used by A.E. Kulakovsky in the above work: Ollur-bollur, Ekir-bukur, Edien-khodyon Yunküleehteen Eri-buru Taibaakhyidaan, Egei-dogoi

A description of the "external forms of an object or a person" (which is typical for a chabyrgakh - V.N.) can be found in many works of A.E. Kulakovsky. For example, the description of the image of a miserly rich man ("The miserly rich man", 1907). As I.V. correctly noted. Pukhov, analyzing this work, A.E. Kulakovsky follows "the long tradition of Yakut folk poetry": Closed back, Covered side, withered head, Bony knees, Watery eyes, Flat face, Hard body, Extremely ignorant Well, man! [Pukhov 1980, p.55] Translation, literal, but nevertheless conveys the image of a person who is not interested in what is happening around him, ignorant and very mean. This passage can be considered as an example of a real chabyrgakh. Also in his poem "City girls" there are many lines full of subtle humor, descriptiveness. They, as in the Chayrgakhs, are composed of onomatopoeic words. In addition to onomatopoeia, movements can be smelled in them: Wasachyyalara tyalyrda, Tellekhtere teleerde, Bachyynkalara baachyrgaata, Kurusubalara kugunaata, Dukuularadalauyda ... Translation: Dresses rustled, // Their floors whirled, // Their boots creaked, // Laces rustled, // Their perfume smelled, // Their lipsticks smelled ... Here are expressions that give the smell of perfume "tunuida" and the smell of lipstick "ankylyda "the words are synonyms, it is very difficult to accurately translate them into Russian. When translated, they lose their specificity. In the Yakut language, they are colored in a certain shade and very subtly convey the smell. "Tunuida" - gives a pleasant, enveloping scent of perfume, and "ankylyda" - a sharper, pungent smell. At the same time, if translated more precisely, the word "tunuida" will mean the meaning of the gradual spread of the smell, and "ankylyida", on the contrary, is a pungent smell that can be immediately felt when approaching. Thus, one more time can be convinced of expressive possibilities Yakut language. Vowel harmony is observed in every line. The words of the first line "bylaachchyyalara" and "tyalyrda" are in the same grammatical form with the words of the next line "tellekhtere" (a plural noun) and "teleerde" (a verb of the present tense). They create interlinear sound rhymes and fast reading rhythms. Or: Chonosuybut-cholosuybut, Chobuguraabyt-choluguraabyt, Chabylaibyt-chalygyraabyt, Nyulluguraabyt-nuuchchalaabyt, Achykyl ammyt-hoursylammyt ... Tyyrangnaabyt-tyrahachy life. [Kulakovsky 1957, p. 165]

This example very aptly describes the image of a mod of that time, every movement, gait, demeanor, appearance, where "a whole series of pictures is expressed in one word" [Kulakovsky 1979, p. 385]. This text is also impossible to literally translate, if translated, then the character's portrait will take not six, but more lines.

For example, the expression "chonosuybut-cholosuybut" means that he walks erect, playing with his shoulders, moreover, quickly and at the same time throwing his head back.

Each line of the passage consists of two paired figurative verbs of the positive form. They split the line into two parts, forming rhymes that create a fast paced reading of the verse, i.e. in execution they are identical to the chayrgakh. These two excerpts, taken from the poem by A.E. Kulakovsky, can be considered the first examples of the modern literary satirical chabyrgakh.

As mentioned above, A.I. Sofronov. You can name individual verses of this author "Kuygonneeh-aydaannaakh" [Sofronov 1996, p.85], "Oloh shuryugun dorgoono (odon-dodon hosoon)" [Ibid, p.89-95], etc., which undoubtedly can to be considered chabyrgakhs. But we, without going deep into the analysis of the entire poetic heritage of the author, will consider only two of his works, which are called "Chabyrgakh" [Sofronov 1976; 1996;].

As you know, in 1923 A.I. Sofronov wrote his own author's "Chabyrgakh", which was later published in his collection of poems. The work consists of 28 lines, each of them, as in the traditional chabyrgakh, has four syllables. Here, in the form of a chabyrgakh, he narrates about the events that took place in the years civil war in Bulun (the northernmost ulus of Yakutia): Olokh-dyasakh, Serekh kuttal, Sek-suk, Kistasii, keresii, Ketekh kapsetii. Dylys-malis, Dyilga-tanha. [Sofronov 1976, p.73] Interlinear translation: Life-life, // Caution-fear, // Fear, // Secrets-denunciations, // Secret negotiations. // Disappearance, // Fate-fortune-teller.

Each line of a chabyrgakh is basically composed of two nouns (Olokh-dyasakh, Serekh kuttal) in the nominative case, which makes the verse short. And as noted above, the chabyrgakh is written in "light artistic language", where "every seemingly incoherent word, in fact, sharply touches some aspects of the life of the people ..." [Kyayigiyap 1926, p.ZO]. In this case, the disturbing events of the civil war in Bulun are reflected.

In 1996, a collection of previously unpublished works by A.I. Sofronov's "Swan Song", where his second "Chabyrgakh" was published [Decree. Sat, pp. 80-81]. In the footnote of the book it is written: "Moskva baryan ere innine Dyokuuskaiga, ebeter ayannaan issen suruibut badakhtaakh." (Apparently written before leaving for Moscow in Yakutsk or on the way) [Ibid .: 312].

Guidelines for teaching Yakut folklore in Russian-language schools

Introduction

Folklore called oral folklore. From the name itself it is clear that any folklore work is created by the whole people. No wonder the word "folklore" comes from the English words "folk" - "people" and "lore" - "wisdom", that is, folk wisdom. Folk life was the source of folklore. She absorbed a variety of folklore genres. Folklore of each nation is peculiar and unique. Its origin, existence, form, content, language, artistic means have their own national originality, their own unique specifics. For many centuries, people have created a truly unique folklore, characterized by deep content and great genre diversity. The mighty force of artistic generalization embodied in it the history of the people, its experience and traditions, national character, ideals, ideological and aesthetic concepts. Folklore plays an important role in the development of a person's inner world. The genres of Yakut folklore are vast and attractive. The enchanting sounds of khomus, funny tongue twisters, folk songs, osuokhai, toyuk are of great interest to children of all ages. Mastering the genres of folklore leads to the development of the child as an individual who loves his folk culture and appreciates the customs and traditions of other cultures.

Relevance: We live in an interesting and difficult time, when we begin to look at many things differently, we rediscover and reevaluate a lot. First of all, this refers to our past, which most people know superficially. Turning to your origins means restoring the connection of times, returning lost values. Folklore will help with this, because its content is the life of the people, human experience, the spiritual world of a person, his thoughts, feelings, experiences.

An inexhaustible source of traditional folk culture makes it possible to find various ways to optimize the process of upbringing and developmental education of schoolchildren, helps to solve the problems of moral and aesthetic education, to develop Creative skills the younger generation.

Problem: a lot has been written on the methodology of teaching Yakut folklore good literature, manuals, programs, but these works are mainly aimed at Yakut-speaking children in Yakut schools. And for teaching Russian-speaking children, we can say that there are no literatures at all, if there is, then they are superficial and do not give the essence, originality, brightness of Yakut folklore. And a big question arises, how to teach Russian-speaking children Yakut folklore, how to convey the enchanting sounds of khomus, funny tongue twisters, folk songs, osuokhay, toyuk, olonkho so that the child is absorbed by the beauty of Yakut folklore.

During the work of the House of Children's Creativity, the village of Kysyl-Syr, asking the above questions, she developed her own methods of teaching small and song forms of Yakut folklore. Based on the knowledge of the teachings and skills of their pupils, as well as their results in various competitions, in my opinion, these methods most effectively convey the richness of Yakut folklore.

Comparative study of small forms of Yakut folklore.

(Proverbs, sayings, riddles, tongue twisters)

Riddles, proverbs, sayings contain unique material for enriching speech, for works of oral folk art by their nature are most designed for pronunciation. Accuracy, conciseness and accuracy of the folk word - all this helps the formation of a figurative, expressive, intonational richness in schoolchildren.

Folk literature helps to understand the essence of fiction, to turn to the language, the national culture of a native speaker, to bring the listener and reader closer to comprehending the spiritual world.

Purpose of work - using the principle of comparison and juxtaposition, to form interest in the Yakut folklore

Work tasks:

1. To reveal the peculiarities of the subjects of small forms of Russian and Yakut folklore;

2. To be able to find and define proverbs, sayings and riddles in the text;

3. Make a comparative analysis of the means of artistic expression of proverbs, sayings and riddles;

Proverbs and sayings can serve as meaningful material for literary development. Typologically similar in ideological and thematic content and poetic structure are the proverbs and sayings of the Russian and Yakut peoples. Russian proverbs, like Yakut ones, consist of one or two sentences, correlated according to the principle of a compositional and subordinate connection. In the richest proverbial arsenal of the Yakuts there are many proverbs and sayings that completely coincide both in content and in form with Russian proverbs and sayings. For example:

At the same time, there are such small forms in the Yakut folklore, which reflect the national originality, imagery of thinking of the Yakuts. For example:

The proverb (өс xohooнo) is similar in its external and some internal features to the proverb (өс nomo5o). The proverb also occupies a prominent place in the Yakut folk art. She prepares the minds of listeners for future bold comparisons and teaches them to search for the hidden meaning of words. Comparing Yakut and Russian proverbs and sayings, we learn to note the different degrees of similarity between these individual genres: in some cases, we can talk about ideological and thematic proximity, in others - about the synonymy of proverbs that differ from each other by plot. For example:

Riddles occupy a special place in oral folk art. As a unique genre of folklore, riddles are of great cognitive and educational value. The images of riddles help to cognize the surrounding reality, the phenomena of nature and society, develop imagination and observation, resourcefulness and ingenuity.

The variety of forms of riddles, their syntactic construction. In some cases, the riddle is based on a description of the appearance of an object, on a comparison of two objects. And Russian and Yakut folklore have it. For example:

Very often in Russian and Yakut riddles it is used metaphorical comparison:

It is important to pay attention to riddles built on the principle of negative comparison, as well as impersonation:

The essence and peculiarity of the sayings were more difficult to assimilate by the trainers than the proverbs. In order to include sayings in the general system of works of oral folk art, to form a more complete idea of ​​the originality of this genre, I used the method of comparison. For example:

Such a scheme, in my opinion, helps the pupil to more accurately and clearly see the similarities and differences between the works of two small genres of oral folk art. In the course of explaining the differences between proverbs and sayings, students developed a clear understanding of the features of these genres. As can be seen from the examples, students get a visual idea of ​​the national identity of the proverbs and sayings of each nation.

The comparative and contrastive method of teaching small forms of Russian and Yakut folklore contributes to a more solid and conscious assimilation of the national identity of each literature. It promotes their assimilation of spiritual values, the development of artistic and aesthetic taste and creative potential of schoolchildren, the formation of their moral positions. In this regard, the role of folklore is essential, acquaintance with which develops the cognitive activity of schoolchildren, improves the culture of thinking, contributes to their deep mastering of the origins of their native culture and understanding of respect for other cultures.

on teaching the Yakut song culture of the Sakha people

Living traditions of folk music culture, the international language of music, understandable to people of any nationality, contribute to the rapprochement and mutual understanding of people. In addition, the enchanting sounds of folk instruments, taking their roots from time immemorial and even at the very beginning of their inception, synchronized with the sounds of nature, are able to influence the psycho-emotional state of a person. As our ancestors said, to double his joy, disperse, dispel sorrow, heal from diseases. And the ability to play any musical instrument contributes to the development of a person's intellectual potential, harmonizes the psycho-somatic state of the body. It is especially important to introduce children to folk music at an early school age. Since ethno music develops in children artistic perception the surrounding world, awakens creative imagination, promotes self-identification in society, awareness of oneself as a part of cultural and historical stratum of any nationality, a unique individual, strengthens a sense of pride in their people and tolerance. The promotion of traditional music should be carried out on a par with propaganda classical music, since ethnic music and folklore are precisely the foundations on which the foundations of a person's connection with his people, history and culture are laid at the genetic level, his entire spiritual component is based.

Problem: there is a lack of methodological literature in teaching Russian-speaking children Yakut folklore.

Purpose: to identify effective techniques and methods for teaching children the song culture of the Sakha people.

Reveal the peculiarities of song culture

Apply different teaching methods

Introducing children to the song culture of the Sakha people

The song folklore of the Sakha people is rich not only in genre, but also in subject matter, in a peculiar manner of performance.

In order to familiarize children with the folklore genre of toyuk and folk songs, I suggest starting with the question What are “toyuk” and “folk songs”, this will give children the opportunity to engage in partly search work. Thus, we will form the interest of children to study further, learn more about toyuk and folk songs

Teaching methods:

visual method(the teacher himself must show how it is performed)

Visual auditory (recordings of folk performers such as A. Badaeva, U. Noskhorov, S. Zverev, etc.)

Analysis of the melody (with the help of a musical instrument (piano, button accordion) to disassemble the whole melody by notes).

Parsing the text (I propose to start with simple phrases, since the Yakut language itself is very difficult to pronounce by Russian-speaking children and some words cannot be translated)

Melody + text (on a musical instrument by syllables, by notes, combine all the material)

For consolidation, staging work is required, while all children should be in the roles. It can be excerpts from children's Olonkho or story-staged works invented by you.

Osuokhai in ancient times was danced only on the Ysyakhs, it was of a ritual nature, worship of the sun and deities. Osuohai. The types of singing osuokhaya differ in tempo, melody, rhythm and subject matter.

Introduction (Osuo-osuo-osuokai this kind of calls, calls people to dance. Serves as a signal to start the dance)

The main

Climax (Kotutuu)

Conclusion

Varieties of osuohaya:

Bululuu osuokai is an extended unison melody.

Ammaly osuokhai rhythmic, sung in 2 lines, movements differ significantly from other osuokhai

Naiakhaly osuokhai the peculiarity lies in the rhythm, because this type was previously sung only by residents of the northern uluses (northern Yakuts). And you can feel the fusion of two cultures - the Sakha people and the northern peoples.

Ysyakh osuokhaya

Ilin energii osuokhai, it is more rhythmic, dynamic than the dances of the Vilyui group of uluses.

For teaching Russian-speaking children to dry, I propose to teach in stages, comparing with the Russian round dance, I use a visual teaching method. This will give the correct formation of skills for the execution of osuohaya.

Stage 1 - analysis of movements

Stage 2 - parsing the melody

Stage 3 - parsing the text

Analysis of movements for example:

Parsing melodies for example:

In my opinion, a comparative, visual, stepwise method of teaching gives the most effective result in the formation of correct knowledge of the skills of skills in teaching the song folklore of the Sakha people.

The carriers of Yakut folklore - performers-storytellers - refer to legends, legends and myths under the general name hepseen (kepseh, se'en) - a story (legend). If a fairy tale was perceived as fiction, then traditions, legends and myths were perceived as reality. A Yakut proverb says "kepseen ebileeh, olonkho omunnaakh, yrya dor5oonnooh" - "story (legend) - with an addition, olonkho - with exaggeration, song - with consonance". This is how popular wisdom characterizes the difference in genres of folklore.

Since the end of the 17th century. travelers and researchers turn to the legends and myths of the Yakuts as reliable evidence of their ethnic history, way of life and way of life. West European merchant Isbrandt Ides, who traveled on behalf of the Russian government in 1692-1695. to China through southern Siberia and Dauria, for the first time put forward a hypothesis about the southern origin of the Yakuts, described their life and the spring kumys festival. Philip Stralenberg, a Swedish officer who had been in Siberian exile for thirteen years and who established the relationship of the Yakut language with the language of the Turkic peoples, was familiar with the legends about Er Sogotokh Ellei and Tygyn. The first detailed materials about historical legends were left by the participants of the Second Kamchatka (Great Northern) Expedition G. Miller, I. Fisher and Ya.I. Lindenau. G. Miller calls the legend of the Yakuts a "historical story": "This story is, truly, not without foundation." Composition by Ya.I. Lindenau, where the legends about the ancestors and ancestors of the Yakuts are retold in more detail, was published 240 years later at the Magadan Book Publishing House.

Historical legends and myths of the Yakuts attracted special attention of Russian researchers after the trip of Academician A.F. Middendorf to the north-east of Siberia and the publication of the book by O.N. Bötlingka "On the language of the Yakuts". A great contribution to the collection, systematization and study of Yakut myths and legends was made by political exiles: I.A. Khudyakov, V.L. Seroshevsky, V.F. Troshchansky, V.M. Ionov, E.K. Pekarsky.

Collecting and studying traditions, legends and myths began their scientific activity the first scientists from the Yakuts - A.E. Kulakovsky, S.A. Novgorodov and G.V. Ksenofontov. A.E. Kulakovsky published a large number of myths and legends in his well-known work "Materials for the study of the beliefs of the Yakuts" and collected legends about the ancestors. S.A. Novgorodov included I myths and legends in the first educational anthology in the Yakut language by G.V. Ksenofontov in the 20s. made expeditionary trips to the central, Vilyui and northwestern uluses of Yakutia.

The huge materials he collected formed the basis for his books "Legends and stories about shamans among the Yakuts, Buryats and Tungus" (1928), "Uraangkhai-Sakhalar" (1937) and "Elleiada. Materials on mythology and legendary history Yakuts "(1977). A major collector of historical folklore was SI Bolo, compiler of the collection" The past of the Yakuts before the Russians came to Lena "(1938).

For many years, A.A. Savvin, A.S. Poryadin, V.N. Dmitriev, P.T. Stepanov, G.M. Vasiliev, I. G. Berezkin, N. T. Stepanov, G.E. Fedorov.

G.U. Ergis in the 60s published a two-volume edition "Historical legends and stories of the Yakuts". A large article written by him about Yakut legends and oral stories is the first special study on this topic.

A.P. Okladnikov, I.S. Gurvich, Z.V. Gogolev, G.P. Basharin, F.G. Safronov, G.U. Ergis, P.P. Barashkov, I. V. Konstantinov widely used historical traditions and legends in his research. This undoubtedly contributed to a deeper understanding of the meaning and content of individual folklore works.

The main milestones in the formation and development of the Yakut ethnos are reflected in three cycles of historical legends: about the first ancestors of Omogo Baay (Omogon, Onokhoy) and Elley Bootur, who arrived from the southern ancestral home to the middle Lena; about Tygyn Toyon and other founders of the era of development and the beginning of the disintegration of patriarchal-clan relations in the 17th - 20th centuries; about Vasily Manchaara (XIX century), a spontaneous rebel who openly opposed injustice and arbitrariness of the founders and the rich.

One of the first and complete records of the legends about Omogo Baai and Elley Bootur was made in the early 40s of the 18th century. participant of the Second Kamchatka (Great Northern) Expedition Ya.I. Lindenau. According to him, Omogoy and Elley lived on the upper reaches of the river. Lena, where is now the territory of the Irkutsk region. He even saw the Köbyuelyur valley in the upper reaches of the river. Lena, where the first ancestors of the Yakuts lived, and a place called "Yakut cab". "Kyobuyolur" is a Yakut word meaning "to raise the voice". ME AND. Lindenau also wrote down Buryat legends about how the Yakuts lived in these places, and how Toyon Badzhey, a descendant of Omogoy and Elley, arrived with his people from the upper reaches of the Lena to the middle Lena.

Subsequently, in the legends recorded from the 40s. 19th century, the motive about the life of the first ancestors of the Yakuts in the upper reaches of the Lena disappears and is replaced by the motive about their resettlement to the middle Lena. Thus, in some 100 years, the legends about the place of residence of the ancestors were transformed. The reason, apparently, is that in the process of the development of ethnic self-awareness under the new conditions, the ancient version was appropriately rethought.

In the legends recorded from the 40s. XIX century. Until now, there is often a story that Omogoy Baai came to the valley of the middle Lena on the advice of a clairvoyant shaman and at the request of the master spirits of this country. The arrival of Omogoi is greeted with joy by the patron deities of people and livestock, Ieyehsit and Aiyysyt, who help him find a mare and a pregnant cow. Perhaps behind this mythological motif is the folk memory of the domestication of domestic animals. Researcher of northern horse breeding prof. M.F. Gabyshev admits that in ancient times the Yakuts domesticated wild horses that lived in the northeast of Yakutia. And the very fact of the existence of wild horses in the ancient northeast is confirmed by the latest findings of Yakut paleontologists.

Legends portray Omogoy and Elley as newcomers on the middle Lena, they exclude the origin of the Yakut ancestors from the aborigines of this region. I.V. Konstantinov rightly noted that the motive for the arrival of these characters in legends from distant countries cannot be considered accidental, most likely this testifies to the still living ideas of the Yakuts about themselves as a new people. It can be assumed that the researchers do not disagree on the issue of the southern origin of the Yakuts, substantiating this with extensive archaeological, folklore, linguistic and historical-ethnographic material. Their disagreement lies in determining the ways of forming this people.

The folklore images of Omogoy and Elley are close to the mythological images of the persecuted heroes, who later became the ancestors of the tribes. Elley, according to legend, arrived in the middle Lena from the Baikal region, the Uranhai land, from Mongolia, from the Tatars; or does not indicate at all where he was from. It is said that he comes from a fraternal or Batuli tribe. In our opinion, the complex tribal composition of the population of the Baikal region, part of which became part of the ancestors of the Yakut people, indirectly reflected in such a variety of people's ideas about their first ancestors.

The reason for the resettlement of Omogoy and Ellei to the middle Lena is called intergeneric clashes, which is also not devoid of historical justification. A.P. Okladnikov wrote that in the X - XI centuries. Mongol-speaking tribes invaded the Angara-Lensk region and drove the Kurykans north, to the middle Lena.

After arriving at Omogoy, Elley becomes his employee. In fact, he became a slave, worked for free, having nothing of property and tools. Such was the life of the other slaves of Omogoi. Their property and household situation really reflected the main features of tribal relations with elements of patriarchal slavery, which were still clearly visible in the life of the Yakuts of the 17th century.

The patriarchal-clan way of life of the Yakuts at the time of their arrival in the middle Lena explains the social position of Omogoy Baai himself. He is, first of all, the patriarch and the head of a large clan family. The epithet "baai" (rich man) does not so much characterize his wealth as it serves as an artistic and pictorial means of his idealization, emphasizing the power and authority of the head of the clan. Slaves, living with their masters and working for them, constitute one common clan family.

The legends reflected the peculiarities of family and marriage relations of that era. In the marriage to the daughter of Omogoi of the alien Ellei, a native of another tribe, one cannot fail to notice traces of exogamy, one of characteristic features generic organization.

When Omogoy Baai, angry that Ellei had married his unloved daughter, drove them both out of his house, giving them one mare and one lousy red cow as a dowry, a small family was formed. In the relationship between the families of Omogoy and Elley, a picture of the initial stage of development of a small family and a conflict between the two types of family in the tribal community emerge.
The growing struggle for the independence of a small family was waged in the field of property relations. This can also be traced back to the legends of this cycle. So, Elley kept the horses and cows of Omogoi who did not depart from the smokers he had bred and disposed of them as his wealth. He used the products he received from them for the preparation of the Ysyakh kumis festival. Apparently, according to the established traditions of communal ownership, Omogoy could not drive back his cattle and take away products from Elley.

Elley's small family is gradually strengthening economically, Elley's authority among his relatives is growing. "Elley, they say, gives everyone a house, gives a woman, gives cattle and dishes," but with old Onokhoi you are a worker all your life "- such conversations were conducted by the slaves. However, according to the content of the cycle of legends, it can be concluded that the clan bond was still strong. Sharing hunting prey, the two families lived together. In the book of V. Seroshevsky, Elley, returning from the hunt, gave everything he had got to Onokhoi, who thanked him for it [Ibid].

Elley is the progenitor with the functions of a mythological cultural hero. Omogoy and his relatives "were simple people", lived in an earthen yurt without a stove and chimney, did not know tools of trade, blacksmith's craft, blessings, songs. Elley was a blacksmith and carpenter. He put a stove with a chimney, broke through a window in the house and made a door, made tools for fishing and hunting animals, built pens and buildings for livestock and lit a smoker from the midges, made the divine drink kumis

Elley is not only the inventor and creator of the material culture of the Yakuts, but also the first organizer of the spring kumys festival Ysyakh, the first minister of the Yakut religion, who prayed to the highest deities. Modern Yakuts believe that the annual Ysyakh is celebrated according to the traditions established by the great-ancestor Elley.

The conservative patriarch Omogoy Baai does not understand Elley's innovations. He arrives in the ysyakh, arranged by Elley, according to some legends, only after the third invitation and, frightened by the miraculous phenomena caused by the power of Elley's blessing, runs away home. In other scenarios, he and his wife fall dead or ascend to heaven. Although the legends do not directly say that the deities that Elley worshiped were alien to Omogo Baai, but he dies from their punishment for disrespecting the ysyakh, arranged in honor of the aiyy deities.

Elley is the favorite and chosen one of the aiyy deities. He is even a direct descendant, the son of the supreme deity Yuryung Aiyy Toyon, or Ellei is intended by the deities to be the organizer of life, the installer of order in Middle Earth.

In many legends, the eldest son of Elley Namylga (Labingkha) Silik (Syuyuryuk) is named the first shaman - the servant of the aiyy deities. He pronounces a blessing on the first ysyakh and immediately ascends to heaven. Sometimes he is credited with the function of a cultural hero and aiyy shaman.

The plot development of the legends about the ancestors echoes the plots of the heroic epic olonkho about the settlement of the Middle World by the outcast descendants of the supreme deities of the aiyy. In the olonkho of this type, from the Upper World to the Middle, the deities descend their guilty, outcast descendants, and in the legends on the middle Lena exiles settled, cut off from their tribe. The heroes of the olonkho, rejected by the deity, are brought up and patronized by the spirits-masters of the epic country. The first ancestors of the Yakuts moved at the request of the host spirits to the Tuymaad valley, where the city of Yakutsk now stands.

Olonkho plots are based on the conflict of heroes belonging to the same tribe aiyy aimaga (the epic self-name of the Yakuts). In olonkho, the outcast descendant of the aiyy deities - "newcomer" - son-in-law is a positive hero, and in legends - Ellei Botur, an alien adopted into the Omogoi family. In the legends about the outcast descendants of the aiyy deities, the motive of heroic matchmaking is almost absent, the theme of miraculous matchmaking prevails.

The main character of the olonkho about the outcast descendants of the aiyy deities is a hero named Son of a Horse Dyrai Bego (Bergen). The basis of the plot theme about the hero - the Son of the Horse - was laid down by the ancient myth that "first God created a horse, a half-horse-half-man came from him, and from the latter a man was born." This myth in a more integral form is preserved in the plot of the Dolgan olonkho "Son of a horse Atalami Bukhatyyr". And the name of the legendary Elley with his constant epithets "Ereideeh-Buruydaakh Er Sogotokh" (The Long-Suffering Lonely Husband) corresponds to the name of the hero of many olonkho Ereidekh-Buruydaakh Er Sogotokh, the Hero-ancestor of the Uraanghai Sakha tribe. In olonkho G.F. Nikulin "Er Sogotokh" the main character is endowed with the functions of a cultural hero. He, the first inhabitant of the Middle World, builds a house for himself with a stone ax, makes fire, begs for cattle from the deities and arranges the Ysyakh holiday. All the deeds of the hero correspond to the cultural activities of Elley. EAT. Meletinsky notes that, in comparison with the olonkho about Er Sogotokh, the historical legends about Elley more clearly retain the features of the myth about the cultural hero, and explains this by the specifics of the idealization of heroes in the heroic epic and legends.

Thus, the most ancient period in the history of the Yakut ethnos is reflected both in the heroic epic olonkho and in historical legends, transforming in accordance with their genre nature. In contrast to these legends about the ancestors, in the cycle of legends about Tygyn (Dygyn) Toyon and other ancestors, echoes of a different, higher stage of social development of the Yakut people are heard.

Tygyn is a real person, the name Tygyn is found in historical documents of the 17th century. There are many stories and legends about him among the people, in which he most often appears in the form of a powerful and formidable leader of the tribe, a power-hungry and despot. Many moments of his life, full of military valor and tragedies, were transformed in the spirit of folkloric exaggeration.

According to legend, Tygyn (Dygyn) is the grandson of Elley, i.e. he comes from a noble family that has taken a leading position among other Yakut families. Tygyn is born with three golden hairs on the crown. This, according to Elley's prediction, is a sign that instead of the suddenly deceased tyyn (breath, i.e. soul) of the son of Elley (Tygyn's father), a new tyyn appeared, and he was named Tygyn (text 3, block 20). According to another legend, at the age of six, Tygyn, raising his spear with the point up, turned to the formidable celestial Uluu Toion, who created him, with a request to send him a bloody symbol of the spirit of war and bloodshed. In response, a blood clot appeared at the very tip of the spear. Thus, he was appointed from above to become a military leader.

Tygyn (Dygyn) time in popular memory remained as Kyrgyz uyete - a century of battles, a century of wars. And indeed, in the legends, he, the head of the most powerful Yakut clan of the Kangalas, is fighting the Khorinians, the Nakhars, the Namtsy and other clans. The reasons for Tygyn's attacks on other people's births were: the abduction of Tygyn's daughter by aliens, Tygyn's campaign for a woman he fell in love with, Tygyn's campaign against famous strongmen, revenge for separation (escape) from his clan and for the desire for independence of a small family (text 6). These conflict situations have something in common with the conflicts on which the plot of the heroic epic olonkho about the ancestors of the tribe is built: the abduction of the sisters of the aiyy aimag heroes, the heroic campaign for the bride. An important place in the legends about Tygyn (Dygyn) Toyon is occupied by the motive of fights and competitions for the glorification of his tribe. Tygyn, a powerful leader of the Kangalas, does not tolerate rivalry, he and his people should always be the first in fights and in sports games. Tygyn often invites aliens and arranges ysyakh, where competitions in strength, agility, running and jumping are organized.

Tygyn in legends is shown as a vindictive and insidious leader, power-hungry and a cruel man... He, even in his family, does not tolerate people who surpass him in strength or other qualities. So, Tygyn kills his son, who was born with a horny covering, seeing in him a hero, stronger than himself. He killed a child born with gold earrings - a sign of power over people (option 6).
The powerful leader of the Kangalass clan Tygyn (Dygyn) in legends is often called toyon (lord, lord), lord, Yakut king. The mother of the mighty hero Bert Hara, seeing that her son is preparing to enter the battle with Tygyn, persuades him to avoid a duel with a man, she is destined to be the ruler of the deity himself.

The image of Tygyn in legends is, on the one hand, the image of a strong leader who tried to unite under his rule the scattered, warring Yakut tribes in the first half of the 17th century, on the other hand, he is a despot for his kind and an invader for neighboring clans, not abhorring the most cruel and insidious means to achieve his goal.

In the legends it is noted that, in realizing his intentions, Tygyn took away wealth, livestock and slaves of the clans, tribes and even individual households he had defeated. Tygyn's predatory attacks on neighbors led to the subordination of certain clans and tribes to him.

Legends depict the formation of the hereditary nobility in the person of the sons of Tygyn, who continued the conquering traditions of their father. These plots correspond to the content of historical documents. S.A. Tokarev quoted the message of Ataman Galkin (1634), which refers to the sons of Tygyn, who "own all the land, and many other princes are afraid of them."

For a complete understanding of the military campaigns of Tygyn and other toyons of the Yakutsk Territory of that time, which lasted until the entry of Yakutia into Russia, it is necessary to take into account the peculiarities of the patriarchal-clan way of life of the tribes of that distant era.

Historical sources and legends equally emphasize that in the 17th century, before the arrival of the Russians in the middle Lena, the aboriginal tribes were at the stage of a developed patriarchal-clan system, but they still had a tribal way of life, in which family-related groups and dependent their slaves ("slaves", "nourishment") constituted a large patriarchal family. The toyon was at the head.

The legends reflect the continuing in the XVII century. the process of forming small families, their separation from large patriarchal families. One legend says that Batas Myondyukeen and his wife run away from Tygyn, fearing reprisals. This plot corresponds to the historical reality of that time. S.A. Tokarev wrote that the cases of slaves escaping are far from isolated, only from the documents known to him it was possible to count 45 such cases.

The portrayal in the legends of the life of the families of the poor, Bert Khara, Chorbogor Baatyr (texts 5, 6), "feeding themselves by hunting wild animals and ducks", is generally associated with the emergence of a new layer in the social structure of the tribes that inhabited the middle Lena at that time. This is a part of the population ruined as a result of predatory Toyon raids, which also formed a separate family independent of the patriarchal.

It should be noted that in the depiction of the relationship of a small family to a large patriarchal family in legends and historical documents, there are discrepancies due to the specifics of folk idealization. There is a well-argued scientific hypothesis, according to which in the 17th century, when the Russians came to this region, small families among the indigenous tribes were independent economic units. Weak economic ties persisted between these two types of families. At the same time, kindred families rallied and united during military clashes, forming a large patriarchal family. It was this circumstance that was reflected in the legends about Tygyn, who is shown as a military leader who stood at the head of his tribe. Apparently, for the same reason, Tygyn's slaves are most often depicted as brave and strong vigilantes, and not servant slaves; the introduction about their property and the payment of their labor by toyons is not clearly recorded in the legends. There are only isolated plot motifs, for example, about how Batas Myondyukeen gets a job as an assistant guy at Tygyn for one content. This folklore fact to some extent reflects the emergence of classes and early forms of exploitation in Yakut society.

In the legends about the forefathers it is said that Elley showed his sons places for settlement with good hunting grounds, with conditions convenient for breeding livestock, which testifies to the birth of hereditary private land property. According to legends, during Tygyn's time, the seizure of lands only accompanied his militant policy. As a military leader of the tribes, he first of all sought to subordinate new tribes and clans to his influence. The weak reflection of the struggle for land in these legends can be explained by the absence in those days of private land ownership and the right to inherit it.

In the legends of this cycle, one cannot fail to notice the echoes of the dull struggle that went on between the slaves and the toyons. There are stories about the irreconcilable enmity of the poor man Bert Khara with Tygyn. According to some legends, Tygyn, fearing the sons of the old woman Kyutur Emekhsin, moved to a new place, near the lake. Muru. Here the sympathies of the storytellers are on the side of the offended and humiliated.

In the legends about Tygyn, events related to the entry of Yakutia into the Russian state were reflected. They tell how Tygyn fought against the Russian Cossacks (although it was short-lived).

Historical documents published by S.A. Tokarev, in our opinion, is given the opportunity to understand the true meaning and nature of the events associated with the relationship between Tygyn and a detachment of Russian Cossacks. For example, ataman Ivan Galkin, in his petition, describes his encounter with the Yakut toyon in 1631 as follows - "Yes, the same, sovereign, Yakol people, Prince Tynin and Prince Boydon live on the Lena River and with us, your servants, they fought all day and They did not give us your sovereign yasak, and they didn’t want to let us out of their land, sovereign, your servant. And we, sovereign, were few. urine_ ". This document testifies to the clashes between the Yakut toyons and the tsar's lackeys, who came to impose yasak on the local population. The Yakut toyons, in particular, Tygyn, in this struggle pursued only their own selfish goals, wishing to become the sovereign masters of the region. But the tsarist slaves, as can be seen from the petition, advocated the establishment of payment arrangements for the tsarist government in this remote outskirts.Thus, the individual skirmishes that took place during the period of Yakutia's entry into Russia were, in fact, a struggle between representatives of the ruling classes to establish their own order in the distant Lena region.

Mainly patriarchal clans, led by Toyons, who were also the organizers of anti-taunt uprisings that took place until the second half of the 17th century, entered the struggle against the newly arrived tsarist detachments.

In the legends, only Tygyn with his military squad appears among those who resist the alien Cossacks. At the same time, the names of other brave warriors are almost not mentioned and their exploits are not told.

The cycle of the legend about Tygyn, as can be seen from the above, reflects the milestones of one of the early stages of the history of the peoples of Yakutia. The allocation of the hearth nobility and family as the main economic unit, patriarchal slavery, the beginning of the formation of hereditary property, the subordination of the military leader to new clans and tribes, embryonic forms of class struggle - all this, reflected in the legends about Tygyn, testifies to the presence of the Yakuts in life the era of the annexation of the Lena Territory to Russia, the main features of a developed patriarchal clan society, leading to early class relations.

The people spoke with hatred of the savage arbitrariness of individual rich people, such as Dodor, Chokhoroon and others.
In the stories about the desire to intermarry with the celestials, in particular in the stories about the matchmaking of Kudangsa and Dalagai Kiileen to the demonic maidens from the Upper World, the self-will of the clan rulers is revealed in a mythological vein.

The rich, distinguished by greed and cruelty, are opposed simple people, hardworking, courageous, defending their independence.

The repertoire of Yakut myths consisted of the following main groups: 1) about the supreme deities and savior deities; 2) about evil and good spirits living in the Upper world, on earth and in the Lower world; 3) about the nature surrounding a person; 4) about the first ancestors, the ancestors of the Yakuts; 5) myths and legends about shamans.

Among the supreme deities, who are known under the general name aiyy (plural aiyylar), the image of Yuryung Aiyy Toyon stands out - "the creator of the universe and man, the head of heaven and other gods." His other name is Yuryung Aar Toyon. In olonkho, the supreme deity sometimes appears as the father (grandfather) of the hero-ancestor of the people of the Middle World (Yakuts). So, in olonkho M.N. Ionova-Androsova, recorded in the 90s. XIX century, Yuryung Aiyy Toyon is the progenitor of all aiyy - deities, which he settles in the Upper World, and ichchi - Aukhs-masters, settled by him in the Middle World. The deity also lowers the youngest of his sons and daughters into Middle world for permanent residence. These younger children of Yuryung Aiyy Toyon become the first ancestors of people (aiyy aimaga), of which Uraanghai Sakha is a part, i.e. Yakuts. And the aiyy (deities) and ichchi (host spirits) are endowed with the functions of the patrons of the uraangay Sakha by the supreme deity. The celestial deity Kyryuyo Josogoy Aiyy gives people horses, Aiyysyt and Ieyehsit are the patroness of women in childbirth, and Ieyiehsit is the patroness of the chosen people.

In many olonkho, fairy tales and legends, the celestial deities do not have such a close kinship. Each deity performs its specific function, and Yuryung Aiyy Toyon does not interfere in his actions. Thus, it is impossible to change the human destiny determined at the birth of a person by the deities Dyylga Khaan and Chyngys Khaan.

In the plots of the olonkho, the horse giver Kuryuyo Josogoy Aiyy, at the request of the heroes, lowers the horses intended for them to the ground. Yuryung Aiyy Toion and Josogoy Aiyy are dedicated to the Ysyakh kumis holiday. According to myths, in ancient times, Josogoy was a member of the Ysyakh in the form of a white stallion.

The patron goddess of women in labor Aiyysyt is one of the revered deities. She implants the soul of the child into the woman and is present during childbirth. In her honor, after a successful birth, the ceremony "Seeing Off Aiyysyt" is organized with a complex ritual and prayers.

In this volume, the myths about the supreme deities are not included, since complete works about them are missing. Myths about the supreme deities of the aiyy are present as a necessary and obligatory part in the texts of the heroic epic olonkho, fairy tales, legends, songs and ritual poetry. The mythology of the Yakuts about the supreme deities, in all likelihood, existed in the form in which we know the pre-Homeric Greek mythology, i.e. it was disordered, obscure and "uncanonized" in many respects, such as the functions and activities of the supreme deities.

More widespread are the myths about deities close to totem animals and birds, known collectively as tangara (tanara - god). Birds and animals of the tangar are revered by the Yakuts not as creators (creators) of people or ancestors from whom they originated, but as saviors of dying ancestors and ancestors.

It should be emphasized that these works had an original structure that was different from other genres of folklore. So, the Yakut myth consisted of three parts: first, the origin of the myth was explained, then the rituals and actions caused by this myth were described, and at the end it was noted what punishment awaited a person who broke the rules dictated by the myth. In some cases, the myth consisted only of the first part or of the first two, or the third part moved to the very beginning. In this case, the text began with a description of the misfortune that happened to a person who did not believe in this or that myth. The rearrangement of the parts of the myth was carried out depending on the situation and the environment in which the myth was told. Having a purely practical purpose, the myth among the Yakuts, as a rule, was stated only when it was necessary to explain to one or several interlocutors a phenomenon that was incomprehensible to them, to prove the necessity of carrying out some kind of ceremony. It is appropriate to remind here that the Yakut myths, like the myths of their peoples, "were not only a figurative expression of religious thought, but also ready-made formulas of poetic creativity that produced new images and generalizations."

The myths about birds and animals - the ancestors' rescuers are generated by the difficult living conditions of the Yakuts, their struggle for survival and self-affirmation.

Analysis of Yakut myths showed that in a number of texts magical abilities were attributed to birds. So, the eagle supposedly could give a person a stone of happiness, with the help of a woodpecker, it is as if you can get the heroic grass (Archive of the YSC SB RAS, f. 5, op. 3, d. 648, l. 17), etc.

In the Yakut myths about birds, the ancient in origin humanization of birds continued to exist. They stated that birds, like people, were divided into separate clans and tribes, had their own head. Along with the works in which birds were likened to people, the Yakuts preserved myths about the transformation of people into birds. This is a sad myth about a herd boy who stole and ate a foal, for which he was condemned to become a kite and fly, uttering a scream reminiscent of the neigh of a foal. ”Close to this text is the myth of a seagull, who used to be a girl-bride. When the wedding train arrived at the groom's parents, it turned out that a whole piece of butter, which was part of the bride's gifts, had disappeared along the way. all my life to look for that oil. ”Here the moral function of the myth is clearly indicated, which not only explained the behavior of birds, but also regulated the life of the collective, inspired the listeners with the ethical norms of everyday relationships: the inadmissibility of theft, negligence in the performance of wedding ceremonies, etc.

The presence in Yakut mythology of works in which birds were humanized or told about the transformation of people into birds, perhaps, was due to the fact that the Yakuts almost did not distinguish themselves from nature, were in constant dependence on elemental forces, unpredictable and inexplicable whims of a harsh climate.

Awareness of fusion with the outside world was reflected in the myths that tell about the ability of a number of birds - eagle, swan, crane, crow and hawk to curse people, to take revenge on them for the grief caused (Archive of YSC SB RAS, f. 4, op. 12, d. 69 , l. 26, 50, 72; f. 5, op. 3, d. 652, l. 12 - 12v.). Among the Yakuts one can find totemistic myths about birds, ancestors - patrons of one kind or another. The presence of ancient mythological images in a relatively young ethnic group is due to the fact that its mythology was based on the spiritual culture of ancestors, whose memory was preserved by works dating back to the earliest stage of human history.

That is why among the Yakuts, who formed a single ethnos in the basin of the middle Lena in the X-XV centuries. AD there are totemistic myths. Believers of the Yakuts up to the beginning of the XX century. continued to treat the totem as an older relative, killing their own totemic species of birds was equated with killing a person, and wives, according to custom, avoided meeting the totem of the husband's clan.

The totemistic myths recorded by the Yakuts in the first half of the 20th century are somewhat modified. The birds in them are no longer considered direct relatives of people, but are recognized as deities who saved the founder of the clan from death.

Some of the myths about birds were formed under the influence of the animistic ideas of the Yakuts associated with the trade cult, the cult of the patron spirits of the clan and tribe, and shamanism. For example, among the myths of the fishing cult, there is a text about the curlew, which is recognized by the family younger brother the master spirit of the forest, Baai Bayanai.

According to the mythological views of the Yakuts, some of the revered birds were created by supernatural beings of the Upper World or were aliens from there. So, in the myth of the kite, he is called the younger brother of the deity Josogoy. The eagle was revered as one of the main deities of the aiyy. All the eagles and part of the Yakut clans allegedly descended from him. In Yakut myths, the aiyy deities appeared in the form of a swan and an eagle. And in one of the myths, the hawk was recognized as a creature with a higher origin than the eagle, although according to Yakut beliefs, only the head of the aiyy deities Urun Aiyy Toyon was higher than the Hump-nosed eagle aiyy.

The recognition by the Yakuts of the raven as the eldest son of the head of the evil spirits of the Abaasy of the Upper World Uluu Toyon, the belief about the relationship of the raven with Uluu Toyon also belonged to the complex of cult ideas about the clan and tribal patron spirits.

The attribution of the eagle and the raven by the Yakuts to the deities personifying different origins (aiyy and abaasy), perhaps, testifies to the polyethnicity of the ancestors of the Yakuts. At the same time, the eagle and the raven, obviously, were totems of both that part of the Yakuts who worshiped the deities of the aiyy, and that of another group of prayakuts who linked their origins with the evil spirits of the Upper World.

The shamanism of the Yakuts was reflected in the myth-making about birds. For example, it was said about a hawk that he is the embodiment of yuyor (uor) Agrafena - a spirit supposedly living on the island of r. Lena at Zhigansk. In one of the myths about the swan, it is said that he began to be considered a patron deity after one shaman closed the exit from the Lower World with his swan's head and thereby blocked the path of diseases. A number of Yakut myths claim that the spirits of shamans appeared in the images of a loon, a raven, a cuckoo, a seagull and a martin.

Among the myths about birds, the volume includes myths about an eagle, a raven and a hawk, belonging to a relatively late layer of Yakut mythology. A stable element in them is the motive about the bird that saved the ancestor of the clan from death. This is an eagle that knocked down a goose for the dying ancestor of the Kangalas clan, this is a raven that brought flint to the ancestor of the Khorin clan, when he, having broken his leg, was dying of cold and hunger. In a number of such myths, the deification of totems is explained not by kinship, but by a blessing rendered to the founder of the clan.

A common place in the Yakut myths about the eagle is the list of rituals that must be performed when meeting an eagle. It is noteworthy that in some myths one can see the transformation of the totemistic rite under the influence of shamanism. In the myth of the eagle, it is argued that only a shaman can protect a person (clan) from the wrath of the totem. A typical example of the artistic structure of myths of this kind is the text "The Deity of the Crows". At the very beginning, it tells about the help that the raven rendered to the ancestor of the Khorin people, then the rationale for how the Khorin people cure skin diseases follows, a description of the treatment rite with the words of a conspiracy spell is given. Unfortunately, the latter was rarely recorded when writing myths. This composition of the story is typical of Yakut mythology. It was dictated by the practical purpose of the myth, which was to establish the norms of customary law.

Yakut myths about animals, as well as myths about birds, are magical, totemistic and animistic in nature. The most archaic of them, apparently, are the myths that explain the peculiarities of the external appearance of wild animals. Narrated vividly, with subtle observations of living nature, these myths aroused constant interest among listeners, and over time they were easily transformed into fairy tales about animals. For example, the myth of why the ermine skin turned white and the tip of the tail black, etc. The Yakuts, like other ancient hunters, retained faith in the ability of killed animals to take revenge on their offenders. And first of all those who killed them for fun or in a very cruel way. This belief was supported by a number of myths, prescribing a respectful, careful attitude to the objects of fishing and condemning those who killed animals unnecessarily. For example, in the myth about the fate of people from the Mayat clan, it was said that they all died of hunger after they skinned a live deer for fun and released it in this form.

In a number of myths, the ability to understand human speech was attributed to animals. Such myths are based on the common Siberian cult of the dying and resurrecting beast and the Eurasian-American layer of the bear cult.

The myths about the bear and the wolf are included as examples of Yakut myths about animals. The myth of the transformation of a woman into a bear and reverence for him as a totem is perhaps not originally Yakut. He lived among the Uryunei clan, Evenk by origin. We considered it possible to include it in the volume due to the fact that it belongs to a very ancient all-Siberian layer of mythology.

In the myth of the wolf totem, the same persistent motif that we have traced in the myths about birds is again encountered - the motive of the deification of the wolf after the ancestors were saved from starvation thanks to supplies allegedly made by the wolf.

In the myths of the fishing cult and shamanism, animals are also characters. In myths about the spirit of the master of the forest, for example, animals are called his cattle. In shamanic myths, shamans themselves appear and fight in the images of wolves and bears. In the myths dedicated to the cult of the patron spirits of the clan and tribe, it is mainly pets that act. For example, horses with black spots on the withers, which were considered created by one of the aiyy deities. In the myths about domestic animals, common Turkic mythological images were clearly preserved, such as a dog scaring away evil spirits; a horse that contains the happiness of its owner, etc.

The Yakuts have relatively few myths about fish and reptiles. Analysis of the available records showed that they coincided in structure and content with myths about birds and animals. The connection with the mythology of the Turks of Southern Siberia and Christianity is just as clearly noticeable in them. From this group of Yakut myths, the myth "Fish and Reptiles" entered that. It is obviously borrowed by the Yakuts from Christian mythology.

A number of myths were associated with human ideas about the luminaries (sun, moon, stars), atmospheric phenomena and the so-called Upper World, allegedly in heaven. In the Yakut myths, as well as in the mythology of the Turkic-Mongol peoples, there is a widespread story about an orphan-worker, offended by the owners, whom the moon took pity on and took to her; her silhouette is now visible on the lunar face. Several Yakut myths tell that Venus, Pleiades, Ursa Minor send a severe cold to the earth.

Most of the myths about the Upper World are about the activities of supernatural beings who live there. In the sky, according to the mythological views of the Yakuts, there lived benefactors-deities aiyy and the terrible spirits of abaasy. Yuryung Aiyy Toyon was recognized as the main aiyy, and the spirits of the Upper World obeyed Uluu Toion. These mythical creatures, like people, were divided into clans and tribes, led the same way of life as all the inhabitants of the earth. The deities of the Upper World allegedly exerted a significant influence on the course of earthly life. There are myths that assert the divinity of the origin of the heads of clans and shamans, their direct connection with the inhabitants of heaven, and myths about the competition between people and the inhabitants of the Upper World in dexterity and lightness of legs, as well as in singing.

The group of myths reflecting the deification of the heavenly bodies by the Yakuts and the worship of the supernatural inhabitants of the Upper World begins in this volume with the above-mentioned myth about the girl on the moon. This is a typical example of not a religious, but a fantastic explanation of the phenomena of the surrounding world. Further in the volume there is a myth about the settlement of three heavenly maidens in the Middle World. It also contains a number of fantastic episodes. Although the heroines of the myth looked like the inhabitants of the earth, they walked without leaving a trace. They possessed a magical charm: leaving the land on which they settled, they not only disappeared themselves, but also took with them the three walls of their yurt.

The "Wat Ayah Kudungsa" myth, included in the volume, is one variation on the rather widespread myth of the unsuccessful attempts of the wealthy to join kinship with the inhabitants of the Upper World. Such myths usually ended with a description of the ruin and death of the entire family of the rich man. Attention should be paid to the language of this cycle of myths. It is close to the language of the epic, full of stable phrases. For example, in the description of the wealth of a rich man: owning herds - barely accommodating in a meadow; herds - barely accommodating in the valley; possessing white and black fur-bearing animals, having numerous slaves. "The narrator widely used, as in the epic, paired expressions. So, in the myth there are phrases:" when there were few cattle people "" that aiyy and abaasy are intended for matchmaking- marriage "food-food" matchmaker-matchmaker, etc. Thanks to the use of poetic formulas, stable phrases, the myth has a rhythmic warehouse, the style of narration is sublime, close to the epic.

Further in the volume, two works are included, telling about the struggle with creatures that came from the Upper World. In the first myth, the earthly hero is defeated in a single combat with the strongman of the Upper World, who specially descended to earth to compete with him. Another tells about the ancestor, who was born to an earthly woman from her connection with a celestial. He managed to take revenge on the spirits from the Upper World who "ate" his boy. It should be noted that in Yakut myths it is more often people who become the winners in the struggle against the inhabitants of the Upper World.

The next, very significant group of myths is made up of works that explain the origin of certain geographical places and narrate about spirits supposedly living on earth.

Toponymic myths of the Yakuts often provided a fantastic explanation for the origin of mountains, rivers and lakes. The myth about the origin of Mount Agrafena is included in the volume as an example of such works. Its plot is based on a dispute between three sisters - to change or not to change the direction of the river. Lena. The youngest of the sisters tears off a third of the mountain and floats on it down the Lena, and the middle one, intending to swim behind it, stopped at the request of the older sister. The part of the mountain she torn off becomes a mountain on the island.
A number of Yakut myths assert the existence of spirits-masters of certain territories, the rulers of taiga, mountains, lakes, etc. The Yakuts believed that the prosperous life of a person, the wealth of some and the poverty of others largely depends on the will of these spirits.

So, in the myth of the hunter and the spirit-owner of Mount Agrafena, the hunter's bad luck was explained by the fact that he did not sacrifice to her. The spirit-owner of the mountain had mercy only after she forced the guy to sacrifice a dog to her. It should be noted that the sacrifice of the dog was performed by the aborigines of Yakutia in the Neolithic. Perhaps this rite passed to the Yakuts from the local tribes who participated in the ethnogenesis of the Yakut peoples. According to the mythological ideas of the Yakuts, success in the trade was directly dependent on the will of the hunting spirit of Baai Bayanai. The study of the traditional beliefs of the Turkic-speaking peoples of Siberia showed that the image of the Yakut Baai Bayanai was formed in the southern ancestral home of the ancestors of the Yakuts. This confirms the myth of the meeting of a young hunter with the daughter of Baai Bayanai. As in the myths of the Turks of Southern Siberia, she comes to the aid of an inexperienced hunter, endows him with her love and endows him with rich prey. It is interesting that this traditional plot recorded the consecration of the right to new hunting grounds that had not previously belonged to this Yakut family.

Great fear among the Yakuts was caused by spirits, in which suicides, madmen and people subjected to undeserved persecution, as well as shamans, allegedly reincarnated after death. From this group of myths, two texts are included in the volume. In the beginning of the first of them, the characterization of the spirit of Chaadai Bollokh, which prevents hunting, is given. He was once a shaman, and his only dog ​​was stolen. After that he fell into want, died of hunger and became the spirit of Chaadai Bollokh. In the third part of the myth, there is a description of how Chaadai Bollokh interferes with hunters and fishermen, it is argued that only a shaman can protect him from persecution. The latter supposedly can make the spirit "present" his dog. Then the shaman "instills" her in one of the hunter's dogs, and in the final of the myth the rules of keeping "Chaadai's dog" are set forth. Plot analysis reveals how secondary myths emerged. The work, obviously, was created by shamans on the model of traditional myths about the wandering dead and justifies the introduction of new, shamanic rituals into the fishing cult.

The myth of Bakhsy Aiyyt, contained in the volume, is a typical example of stories about people who died an unnatural death and became spirits sending diseases.
The Yakuts also had myths about the supernatural inhabitants of the Middle World, borrowed, apparently, as a result of ethnocultural contacts with the Russians. So, after the annexation of Yakutia in the 17th century. to the Russian state, the Yakuts developed beliefs about the spirit of smallpox, "neighbors" and sulukyuns. In the myths, it was said that the spirit of smallpox walks through Yakutia in the form of a Russian woman, and the families that she visits fall ill with smallpox. The image of the "neighbors" of Russian folklore coincided with the image of invisible creatures who supposedly settled with people. One of these myths appears in volume (text 47). From the Russian old-timers of Siberia, the Yakuts borrowed ideas about the syullukuns, very rich creatures that live under water and appear on earth only on New Year's Eve. According to legend, it was as if one could get untold riches from the Sullukyuns. They supposedly could predict the fate of a person. This volume includes two samples of this group of Yakut myths.

According to the beliefs of the Yakuts, the most dangerous creatures bringing diseases and death to people were evil spirits who come to earth from the mythical underworld... With them, it was argued, only shamans could cope, and only they knew the myths about the inhabitants of the Lower World. These plots were the professional secret of shaman women. True, the content of these myths was set forth by the shamans in their hymns and spells. In them, they described the terrible appearance of spirits, pointed to the diseases that they send, to the victims that they await. Although shamans in every way intimidated ordinary believers, the Yakuts still preserved myths about ordinary people visiting the Lower World. One sample of such a work is included in our volume. It tells how terrible the inhabitants of the Lower World are, their country appears to be a very uncomfortable place. But the inhabitants of this world lead a life similar to that of the earth.

According to the myth, a person who got from the Middle World to the Lower one becomes invisible and inaudible for its ordinary inhabitants. Everyone he touches gets sick. It was as if the shaman of the Lower World was returning the uninvited alien. Similar myths are found in the mythology of the Turkic-speaking peoples of Siberia. Therefore, we can assume that it was inherited by the Yakuts from the ancient Turks.

A special group of Yakut myths consisted of myths about the ancestors and founders of certain clans. This group of works was formed by sacralizing some of the historical traditions and legends. Due to the fact that these myths are included in single cycles of works of oral folk art, consisting of interconnected myths, traditions and legends, we considered it necessary to publish them in the first section (texts 1, 2, 3).
In a number of Yakut myths, it is argued that the fate of a person is predetermined by deities, and he is not able to change it. Thus, the Yakut traditional beliefs clouded the minds of people, restrained attempts at social protest. An example confirming the idea of ​​the inevitability of fate is the "Destiny" myth included in vol.

Relatively late group of Yakut myths were myths and legends about shamans. They substantiated the right of shamans to lead religious life. The myths claimed that shamans are the chosen ones of the spirits who "raised" them. Shamans are given to know the "truth" about the events of the past and present, to foresee the future. A number of plots described the actions of shamanic spirits-helpers, magic items of shamans: costumes, tambourines, invisible crossbows, etc. Yakut legends about shamans convinced believers that, on the one hand, they could protect people from the wiles of evil spirits, on the other hand, they themselves could send misfortunes, illness and death to those who offended them or simply did not like them. But still, according to Yakut beliefs, shamans were not omnipotent. It was believed that they could not defeat those people who have strong patron spirits. Moreover, the legends emphasized that ordinary people can sometimes triumph in single combat with shamans.

A significant place in the mythology of the Yakuts was occupied by plots about the struggle of shamans with each other and about the deeds of deceased shamans. They described the miraculous abilities of shamans, thereby arguing that shamans have supernatural qualities and can serve as intermediaries between people and various spirits and deities. The volume includes three legends of this kind. The first of them artistically expressively tells about how the great shamans were brought up.

The next text tells how the future shamans were ill and how they convinced others that they had the gift of transforming into mythical creatures. The last legend states that shamans after death can in certain time return to the world of people and live the same way as they lived before. At the same time, allegedly with them, their long-destroyed yurt and buildings around it reappeared. When the time comes for them to leave, everything disappears at once.

With the development of society, the acquisition of labor experience and knowledge by people, myths fade away, they begin to exist in a different form.Separate plots, motives, mythological characters are found in other genres of folklore: olonkho, fairy tales, legends and traditions, as well as in aphoristic poetry.

As can be seen from the above, the main milestones of the early history of the Yakut people are interpreted in myths, legends and traditions. In their plots and images, we find elements of a person's early understanding of the world around them, ethical norms of behavior and everyday rules. These genres of Yakut folklore in our time no longer function in a "pure" form. Myths have changed their form of existence, they "dissolved" in other genres of folklore. Legends and traditions, in which various facts and events from the life of the people are reflected in a figurative and vivid form, exist independently. And they all find new life in literature and art.

Traditions, legends and myths are the historical memory of the people about their past, at the same time they are stories about what happened recently. G.U. Ergis noted that the surrounding reality, historical events, remarkable phenomena of life provided rich material for the emergence of oral stories. Academician A.N. Okladnikov characterizes the Yakut legends as "an excited and lively story of eyewitnesses or even direct participants in the events that have come down to us in the same oral transmission from generation to generation, from great-grandfather to grandfather, from grandfather to father and from father to son, and most often from grandfather or grandmothers to grandson, from the renowned old storyteller to his young listeners "[Ibid.]. Oral legends and stories about the past, about recent events, legends about shamans and miraculous phenomena associated with beliefs, the myths of the Yakuts can be called, in contrast to olonkho, fairy tales and songs, mass works that any expert could tell. But among them were remarkable master storytellers. Such connoisseurs of antiquity were the famous olonkhosuts-singers E.M. Egorov - Miine Uola (Tattinsky district), D.M. Govorov, R.P. Alekseev (Ust-Aldan district), E.Kh. Gorokhov (Verkhoyansk district), I.I. Burnashev - Tong Suorun (Megino-Kangalassky district). There were also masterful performers of legends and stories, such as I.N. Nikolaev - Ugaldy and I.A. Alekseev from Nyurba district.

This volume consists of 56 samples of traditions, legends and myths, of which 41 are published for the first time. The first part of the volume "Historical Legends and Stories" includes three versions from the cycle of legends about the ancestors of the Yakuts, six legends about Tygyna Toyon, the central image of the founders of the period of disintegration of patriarchal-clan relations on the eve of the accession of Yakutia to the Russian state, and three legends characterizing the way of life and customs ancestors after the annexation of Yakutia to Russia. The second part of the volume is devoted to myths and legends.

Included are notes, comments, indexes and a glossary. In the comments, in addition to explaining the text and translation, there are variants and versions of legends, legends and myths included in what provides rich information and reference material for those who wish to deeply and comprehensively study the Yakut legends, legends and myths. E.N. Kuzmina. The compilers are grateful to A.L. Novgorodov and L.F. Rozhin, as well as V.V. Illarionov for verifying the national text.

ON. Alekseev N.A. Emelyanov V.T. Petrov