In February 1917, a revolution occurred in Russia in Russia after the events of 1905. Today we are talking briefly about the February Revolution of 1917: the reasons for the national uprising, the course of events and consequences.

The reasons

The revolution of 1905 was defeated. However, her failure did not destroy the prerequisites that led to the very possibility of its occurrence. It's all the same as if the disease had retreated, but did not leave, hid in the depths of the body, so that one day to roll again. And all because the force of the depressed rebellion of 1905-1907 is the treatment of external symptoms, while, the root causes are social and political contradictions in the country continued to exist.

Fig. 1. Attached military to the rebel workers in February 1917

After 12 years at the very beginning of 1917, these contradictions aggravated, which led to a new, more serious explosion. The aggravation occurred as a result of the following reasons:

• Russia's participation in the First World War : The long and exhaust war required constant costs, which led to the ruins in the economy and, as a natural consequence of it - the exacerbation of the needs and the deplorable position of the already poor popular masses;
• A number of fateful mistakes that were allowed by the Russian Emperor Nikolai II in the Office of the country : Refusal to revise the agricultural policy, adventurous policy in the Far East, defeat in the Russian-Japanese war, a tendency to mysticism, the assumption of Rasputin to state affairs, military defeats in the First World War, the unsuccessful appointments of ministers, military leaders and the other;
• Economic crisis: War requires high costs and consumption, in connection with which failures in the economy (price increase, inflation, the problem of ensuring food, the appearance of the card system, exacerbation of transport problems) begin to occur in the economy);
• Crisis of power : A frequent change of governors, ignoring the emperor and his entourage of the State Duma, the unpopular government, which was responsible solely before the king and much more.

Fig. 2. Destruction of the monument to Alexander III during events in February 1917

All the above moments did not exist separately. They were closely interrelated and generated new conflicts: Universal discontent with autocracy, distrust of the reigning monarch, the growth of anti-war sentiment, social tensions, strengthen the role of left and opposition forces. The latter belonged to such parties such as Mensheviks, Bolsheviks, Harvesters, Esers, Anarchists, as well as various national parties. Some called on the people to the decisive assault and overthrow of autocracy, others were confrontation with the royal government in the Duma.

Fig. 3. The moment of signing the manifesto about the renunciation of the king

Despite various methods of struggle, the goal of the parties were the same: the overthrow of the autocracy, the introduction of the Constitution, the establishment of a new building - the Democratic Republic, the establishment of political freedoms, the establishment of the world, the decision of the urgent problems - national, land, working. Since these countries conversion tasks were bourgeois-democratic in nature, then this uprising entered the history called the February bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917.

Move

The tragic events of the second winter month of 1917 are summarized in the following table:

Event date	Description of the event
	The strike of the workers of the Putil plant, which, due to the jump in prices for products, demanded an increase in salary. The strikers were fired, some workshops are closed. However, workers of other factories supported strikers.
	In Petrograd there was a difficult situation with the delivery of bread and a card system was introduced. On this day, tens of thousands of people went to the streets with various requirements of bread, as well as political slogans calling for the overthrow of the king and the termination of the war.
	Multiple increase in the number of cars basting from 200 to 305 thousand. These were mainly the workers who were joined by artisans serving. Police could not restore calm, and the troops refused to go against the people.
	The meeting of the State Duma was postponed from February 26 to April 1 according to the decree of the emperor. But this initiative was not supported, since more reminded the dissolution.
	The armed uprising occurred, to which the army joined (Volynsky, Lithuanian, Preobrazhensky battalions, car accidents, Semenovsky and Izmailovsky regiments). As a result, telegraph, bridges, train stations, chief budget, Arsenal, Kronverk Arsenal were captured. The State Duma who did not make his dissolution has created a temporary committee, which was to be engaged in the waters of the orders on the streets of St. Petersburg.
	Power goes to the Time Committee. On the side of the rebels, the Finnish, the 180th infantry regiment, the sailors of the Aurora cruiser and the 2nd Baltic Fleet crew.
	The uprising passed into Kronstadt and Moscow.
	Nicholas II decided to renounce the throne in favor of his heir - Tsearevich Alexei. The regent was assumed by the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich - the junior native brother of the emperor. But as a result, the king was renounced the throne and for his son.
	Manifesto on the renunciation of the Russian emperor Nicholas II was published in all the newspapers of the country. Immediately followed the manifesto about the renunciation of Mikhail Alexandrovich.

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Today, the main reasons for the February Revolution of 1917, which became the second participation since 1905. In addition, the main dates of events are named and their detailed description is given.

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The first stage of the 1917 Revolution in Russia, which took place in early March (in the Julian calendar - in late February - early March). Began with mass anti-government speeches of Petrograd workers and soldiers of the Petrograd garrison, and as a result he led to the abolition of the monarchy in Russia and the establishment of the power of the Provisional Government. In Soviet historical science, it was characterized as "bourgeois".

Russia on the eve of the revolution

Of all the great powers of Europe, which participated in the First World War, Russia entered her the weakest economically. Then, in August 1914, in Petrograd, they believed that the war would last only a few months. But the military action was delayed. The military industry could not satisfy the requests of the army, the transport infrastructure was undeveloped. The morale decreased not only in the army, but also in the rear: residents of the villages were unhappy with the departure of able-bodied workers, the requisition of horses, reducing the receipts of urban industrialists; Citizens - tension in enterprises, growth of high costs and interruptions with supply. By the beginning of 1917, the socio-economic situation of the Russian Empire deteriorated significantly. The state became more difficult to maintain the army and provide food to the city, among the population and in the troops there were dissatisfaction with military troops.

The progressive public was indignant to what was happening in the "tops", criticizing the unpopular government, frequent shift of the governors and ignoring the Duma. In the context of the passivity of state power throughout the country, committees and associations were created to solve the problems that the state could no longer decide: the Red Cross Committee tried to control the sanitary situation in the country, Zemsky and the City Union - all-Russian military community organizations - tried to centralize the supply of the army. The Central Military Industrial Committee (CSCA) in Petrograd became a kind of parallel ministry.

Cities covered a new wave of strikes and strikes. In January-February, the number of stackers reached 700 thousand people, in one strike on the occasion of the 12th anniversary of the bloody Sunday, 200 thousand workers took part in Petrograd. In some cities, the demonstrators went under the slogans "Down with autocracy!" Rosged and acquired the popularity of anti-war moods. Russian Social Democrats (Bolsheviks), whose leader V. I. Lenin became one of the most prominent figures of the Russian political emigration was called to conclude the separate world. The anti-war Lenin program was to turn the imperialist war in the civil war. More moderate social democrats, such as N. S. Cheidze and the leader of the works of A. F. Kerensky, called themselves "defenders" and advocated a defensive war in the name of the Motherland, but not autocracy.

The authorities missed the opportunity to correct the situation: the emperor and his environment sequentially rejected the proposals of liberal circles on the expansion of the powers of the Duma and attracting those popular with the public to the public. Instead, a course was taken to neutralize the opposition: organizations were closed, speaking for the reorganization of power, and instructions for the suppression of possible unrest were sent to the army and the police.

Start of strikes in Petrograd

February 19 due to transport difficulties in Petrograd worsen food supply. Food cards were introduced in the city. The next day, the doors of empty bakers lined up huge queues. On the same day, the administration of Putilovsky plant declared a locaut due to interruptions in supply with raw materials, and as a result, 36 thousand workers lost their livelihoods. The government fell to the plant administration. Stacks in solidarity with Putilovets were held in all areas of the capital. Representatives of the legal, Duma opposition (Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, Lotovik A. F. Kerensky) tried to establish contacts with illegal organizations. A committee was created to prepare the demonstration on February 23 (March 8 for a new style), International Women's Day. Then there are already up to 129 thousand people, the third part of all workers Petrograd. They were supported by intelligentsia, students, employees, artisans. In schools ceased occupations. The Bolsheviks initially did not support the initiative of the demonstration on this day and joined her at the last moment. In the evening, power was introduced in the capital the so-called 3rd position - thus, from February 24, the city was transferred under the responsibility of the military. The police were mobilized and enhanced by the Cossack and cavalry divisions, the troops occupied the main administrative buildings, the river police - transitions through the Neva. In the main streets and squares, military outposts were installed, they were connected to equestrian connectors.

The spontaneous movement grew avalanche-like. On February 24, there were more than 200 thousand people, and on February 25 - more than 30 thousand. The strike has grown into a universal strike. Workers from all areas flocked to the city center, bypass passage bypassing the police barriers. Economic slogans were replaced by political: the cries of the "Down of the Tsar!" Were increasingly heard. And "Down War!" Armed squads were formed at the factories. The emperor did not give himself a report on the scale of what was happening: On February 25, he ordered the commander of the Petrograd Military District to stop the riots in the capital before the next day, but at this point the general was no longer able to take anything. On February 25-26, the first clashes of strikers with police and gendarmerie, hundreds of people were killed or injured, many were arrested. Only on February 26, more than 150 people died in Nevsky Prospect and Znamenkaya Square. On the same day, Nicholas II issued a decree on the dissolution of the State Duma, thereby missing the chance to move to the constitutional monarchy.

Demonstrations develop into a revolution

On the night of February 27, part of the soldiers and officers of the "elite" Volyn and Preobrazhensky regiments rebelled. For several hours, the most of the regiments of the 200-thousandth Petrograd military garrison followed their example. The servicemen began to move on the side of the demonstrators, to take their security. The military command tried to pull up new units to Petrograd, but the soldiers did not want to participate in the punitive operation. The side of the rebels took one military unit after another. The soldiers fastened on dads and bayona red bows. The work of the authorities, including the government, was paralyzed, strategically important items and infrastructure facilities - train stations, bridges, government agencies, postal, central telegraph, - passed under the control of the rebels. The demonstrators captured the arsenal, where they took more than one hundred thousand guns. A mass performance, now armed, was adjacent not only soldiers, but also prisoners, including the criminals released from the capital of the capital. Petrograd overwhelmed the wave of robbery, murders and a scope. Police sites were subjected to pogroms, and the policemen themselves are lynching: the guardians were caught by the law and order and at best beaten, and sometimes they were killed in place. Not only liberated criminals were engaged in ladders, but also rebidden soldiers. Government members were arrested and concluded in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

The center of the uprising was the Tauride Palace, which first met the Duma. On February 27, a temporary executive committee of the Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies with the participation of Mensheviks, ECOV, trade union leaders and cooperators was spontaneously formed. This authority addressed the teams of factories and factories with a call to choose their representatives to the Petrograd Council. By the end of the same day, the first dozens of deputies were registered, delegates from military units were joined to them. The first meeting of the Council opened in the evening. The Chairman of the Board of the Council was the leader of the Social Democratic Fraction of the Duma Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, his deputies - Lokovik A. F. Kerensky and Menshevik M. I. Skobelev. The Executive Committee also included the Bolsheviks P. A. Zalutsky and A. G. Hatpniks. Forces, grouped around Petroset, began to position themselves as representatives of the "revolutionary democracy". The first thing that the Council was engaged was to solve the problems of defense and food supply.

In the meantime, in the neighboring hall of the Tauride Palace, the Duma leaders who refused to obey the decree of Nicholas II on the Duma dissolution, the government was formed. On February 27, the "Temporary Committee of the State Duma Members", which declared himself a carrier of the supreme power in the country. The Committee was headed by the chairman of the Duma M. V. Rodzianko, and representatives of all the Duma parties were included in the body, with the exception of the extreme right. Committee members have created a wide political program necessary for Russia transformations. Their primary task was to restore order, especially among the soldiers. For this, the time committee was necessary to negotiate with the Petrograd Council.

Nicholas renunciationII.

Nicholas II all days from February 24 to February 27 was at the rate of the Supreme Commander in Mogilev. Informedly informedly informed, he was confident that only the "riots" occurs in the capital. On February 27, he launched the head of the Petrograd Military District S. S. Habalov and appointed to this position General N. I. Ivanov, giving it an order to "put an end to the riots." Head of the headquarters of M. V. Alekseev ordered Ivanov to refrain from the power methods of pointing order and in the evening of February 28, having enlisted the support of the front teams, convinced Nicholas II to consent to the formation of a government responsible for the Duma.

On the same day, February 28, the monarch left the bet to the royal village - there, in the imperial residence, he was his wife, Empress Alexander Fedorovna, and their children who were sick. On the way, his train was detained by order of the revolutionary authorities and redirected to Pskov, where he was the headquarters of the Northern Front. The delegation of the Temporary Committee of the Members of the State Duma left, to offer the Emperor to renounce the throne in favor of Alexei's son with the regent of the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, the younger brother Nicholas II. Dummers offer supported the command of the army (fronts, fleets and bets). March 2, Nicholas II signed an act of renunciation in favor of his brother. In Petrograd, this step caused a squall of protests. Right participants of the revolution and socialists from Petrosovet strongly opposed the monarchy in any form, and the Minister of Justice of the Provisional Government A. F. Kerensky noted that he was not swore for the life of a new monarch, and already on March 3, the Grand Duke Mikhail was moving away from the throne. In the act of renunciation, he stated that the future of the monarchy would solve the Constituent Assembly. Thus, the monarchy in Russia ceased to exist.

Formation of a new government

By morning on March 2, long and tense negotiations between the two centers of power - the temporary committee and the Petrogradsky Council were completed. On this day, the composition of the new government headed by Prince G. E. Lvov was published. Before convening the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, the Government proclaimed himself temporary. In the Declaration of the Provisional Government, the Program of priority transformations: amnesty for political and religious affairs, freedom of speech, press and assessments, cancellation of classes and restrictions on religious and national signs, the replacement of police of the People's Police, elections to local governments. Fundamental questions - about the political stroke of the country, agrarian reform, the self-determination of peoples - was supposed to be solved after the convening of the Constituent Assembly. It was the fact that the new government did not solve the two main questions - about the termination of war and about the Earth - in the future it was taken by the Bolsheviks in the struggle for power.

On March 2, turning to the "sailors, soldiers and citizens" gathered in the Ekaterininsky hall, P. N. Milyukov announced the creation of a temporary government. He said that the Prince of Lviv will be the head of the government, and he himself will be headed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The speech of the Cadet leader was perceived with great enthusiasm. The only representative of the Soviets, which received the ministerial post was the work of A. F. Kerensky.

Results of the February Revolution

The February Revolution has exposed deep socio-economic, political and spiritual contradictions of Russia of the beginning of the XX century. Various social groups tried to defend their interests and solve accumulated problems. This led to the activation of the new organizations already existed and the emergence of new organizations, striving to put pressure on power. For example, Petrograd across the country began to appear advice - in March 1917, only in the provincial, county and industrial centers there were about 600. The soldier's committees were formed in the army, quickly became the real owners of military units. By May 1917, there were almost 50 thousand such committees, they consisted up to 300 thousand soldiers and officers. Workers at the enterprises united into factory-factory committees (FZK). In major cities, the detachments of the Red Guard and the working militia were formed. The number of trade unions by June reached two thousand.

The February Revolution gave impetus and national movements. For the Finnish, Polish, Ukrainian, Baltic and other national intelligentsia, it has become a guarantee of the autonomy, and then national independence. Already in March 1917, the Provisional Government agreed to demand the independence of Poland, and in Kiev, the Ukrainian Central Rada appeared, subsequently proclaiming the national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine contrary to the desire of the temporary government.

Sources

Buchanan D. Memoirs diplomat. M., 1991.

Hippius Z. N. Diaries. M., 2002.

Magazines of meetings of the Provisional Government, March - Oct. 1917: 4 t. M., 2001 - 2004.

Kerensky A. F. Russia at a turning point of history. M., 2006.

The country is dying today. Memories of the February Revolution of 1917 M., 1991.

N. N. Sukhanov Notes on the revolution: at 3 t. M., 1991.

Tsereteli I. G. The crisis of power: memories of the leader of Menshevikov, deputy II of the State Duma, 1917-1918. M., 2007.

Chernov V. Great Russian Revolution. Memories of the Chairman of the Constituent Assembly. 1905-1920. M., 2007.

Introduction

The history of Russia is one of the richest and varied on events around the world. After all, what country, such a story and history. This is despite the fact that much more unexplored, much is generally unknown. However, with all the greatness, the history of Russia is also one of the most tragic in the world. In each period of the history of our country, sad, sometimes severe in their consequences, sometimes terrible events. A considerable amount of such happened in the 20th century, especially in his first half, century, which became heavy not only for our country, but almost for all of Europe.

The content of this work is a series of tragic events that occurred in Russia in the first quarter of the XX century, in 1917. These events are two revolutions (as well as all numerous phenomena associated with them), which happened in February and October 1917 and received the names of the bourgeois-democratic and socialist revolutions during the Soviet Union, respectively. These events occurred in a rather short period of time (in fact, the October Revolution became a consequence of February), but brought tremendous changes to the country, carried out a radical coup in total, which was created before that in several centuries. The Russian empire ceased to exist, and the country began to be built in a new way.

Evaluations to all these events exist great amount: For some, it is a national catastrophe, which led to the civil war and establish a totalitarian government system in Russia (or, on the contrary, to the death of the Great Russia as an empire); For others, the greatest progressive event in the history of mankind, which had a huge impact on the whole world, and Russia allowed to choose a non-capitalist path of development, eliminate feudal remnants and directly in 1917 he rather saved it from the catastrophe. There are many intermediate between these extreme points of view.

Therefore, the goal and objectives of this work, respectively, is the need to consider the main events associated with this period and describe the role of the Bolsheviks in these events; Give an objective assessment and draw conclusions about this period in the history of Russia and its consequences from the point of view of the common, common version of the two revolutions of 1917.

Results of the February Revolution

As a result of the February Revolution, a peculiar political situation has developed in Russia. At the same time, there were two authorities - the Interim Government and the Council of Workers and the Soldiers' Deputies. Thus, the country existed in the country.

The expected renewal of the public atmosphere has not brought the revolution. Already approximately by mid-March, it became obvious that the results of February almost little was satisfied:

§ The material position of the "bottoms" not only did not improve, but quickly worsened. The unemployment grew, the prices for the most necessary products increased jumpingly.

§ The war with its huge victims continued. Millions of soldiers still did not leave the trenches. Many peasant families remained without the breadwinners, has already been aware of the third year.

§ Medium layers: officials, officers, intelligentsia - welcomed the political freedom brought by the February Revolution, but quite soon found that this freedom had inversely.

§ Political stability swapped, which poorly affected both the material and moral state of the middle layers. This was particularly affected by the position of officers, in the context of democratization and the progressive decomposition of the army, which felt devoid of familiar basics.

§ The Provisional Government left essentially untouched the entire old state apparatus. In all ministries and other central bodies, old officials and old orders remained. Only one ministers were new.

§ The masses who committed the revolution hoped that the new government would immediately resolve the land, but the temporary government only called for the peasants to wait for the convening of the Constituent Assembly and not resort to the violent seizure of the Earth.

§ Provisional government policy in solving an agrarian issue is fully maintained by Mensheviks and Esrami, they condemned the peasants for "agricultural unrest" and a self-altitude seizure of land.

§ The Provisional Government resolutely rejected the requirements of the workers about the 8-hour working day. Only persistent struggle of St. Petersburg workers led to the fact that the Union of Petrograd manufacturers and breeders signed on March 11, 1917 by the Agreement on the introduction of a 8-hour working day at industrial enterprises of Petrograd. But under the pressure of manufacturers from other cities and the government, on March 16, Petrograd capitalists have already stated that their concession is temporary.

§ The government and bourgeois figures completely rejected the requirements of workers about improving the working conditions and increase wages.

The bourgeois temporary government only declared the destruction of national inequalities in Russia, and actually continued to conduct a purely national policy against non-Russian peoples. It resolutely opposed the provision of rights to the state independence of Finland, Ukraine and other national regions. The temporary government had to be in the first time of its activities to enter into large clashes not only with the working masses of national outflows, but also with local bourgeois segments of the population demanding expansion for themselves political rights. Such collisions in the temporary government soon occurred with Finland in the restoration of the activities of the Finnish Sejm and with Ukraine in the formation of the Central Ukrainian Rada. No less acute anti-democratic course, the Provisional Government also behaved in its policies in relation to the soldier's mass, which was an ally of the proletariat in the bourgeois-democratic revolution.

While the masses demanded immediately start negotiations on the conclusion of a democratic and fair world, the bourgeois government not only did not want to lead such negotiations, but also persistently achieved that Russia would continue to be an imperialist war before the "victorious end".

Minister of Foreign Affairs of Milyukov Immediately on the entry into their duties, stated the Ambassadors of France, England, Italy and the United States, that Russia will remain true to its allies and will continue the war to victory over Germany and its allies.

However, the nationwide movement could not but restrain the bourgeoisie in its military policy. The bourgeois government fully understood that the slogans "Down War!" And "peace - nations!" Were widely popular among the masses and it was impossible not to be considered.

"The Russian Revolution of February-March 1917," Lenin wrote, "Lenin was the beginning of the transformation of the imperialist war in a civil war. This revolution took the first step towards the termination of the war."

The causes and nature of the February Revolution.
Uprising in Petrograd February 27, 1917
The February Revolution of 1917 in Russia was caused by the same reasons, wore the same character, solved the same tasks and had the same arrangement of the opposing forces as the revolution 1905 - 1907. After the revolution 1905 - 1907. The tasks of the democratization of the country continued to remain - the overthrow of the autocracy, the introduction of democratic freedoms, the decision of the burning issues - the agricultural, worker, national. These were the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic transformation of the country, therefore the February, as well as the revolution 1905 - 1907, was bourgeois-democratic.

Although the revolution is 1905 - 1907. And did not solve the country's democratization of the country that were defeated, but she was defeated, but it served as a political school for all parties and classes and thereby appeared an important prerequisite for the February Revolution and who followed the October coup in 1917.

But the February Revolution of 1917 was already in another setting, rather than the revolution 1905 - 1907. On the eve of the February Revolution, social and political contradictions were sharply aggravated, aggravated by the long and exhausting war, which was drawn by Russia. The economic damage generated by the war and, as a result, the exacerbation of the needs and disasters of the masses, caused acute social tensions in the country, the growth of anti-war sentiment and universal discontent not only the left and opposition, but also a significant part of the right-wing self-adjusting policies. It was noticeably fell in the eyes of all sectors of society the authority of the autocratic power and its carrier - the reign emperor. The war unprecedented in its scale seriously shocked the morals of society, introduced an unprecedented cessation into consciousness about the behavior of people. Million masses of the front-line soldiers, daily seen blood and death, easily succumbed to revolutionary propaganda and were ready to go to the most extreme measures. They craved the world, return to Earth, and the slogan "Down War!" At that time was especially popular. The termination of the war was inevitably contacted with the elimination of the political regime that attacked the people into war. So the monarchy lost his support in the army.

By the end of 1916, the country was in a state of a deep social, political and moral crisis. Did the ruling circles realized the danger threatening? Reports of the Security Department for the end of 1917 - the beginning of 1917. Full alarm in anticipation of a threatening social explosion. There was a social danger for the Russian monarchy and abroad. The Grand Duke Mikhail Mikhailovich, King's cousin, wrote to him in mid-November 1916. From London: "Intellinzhs-service agents [British intelligence service], usually aware, predict the revolution in Russia. I sincerely hope Niki, that you will find it possible to satisfy fair The requirements of the people are not too late. " The approximate in Nikolai II with despair told him: "There will be a revolution, everyone will hang us, and on what a lantern, anyway." However, Nicholas II stubbornly did not want to see this danger, hoping for the grace of Providence. Curiously held shortly before the events of February 1917. The conversation between the king and the chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko. "Rodzianko: - I warn you that it will not pass three weeks, as the revolution will break up, which will meet you, and you will no longer reign. Mykola II: - Well, God will give. Rodzianko: - God will not give anything, the revolution is inevitable .

Although the factors who prepared a revolutionary explosion in February 1917 were formed long ago, politicians and publicists, on the right and left, predicted his inevitability, the revolution was not "prepared" or "Organized", it broke out spontaneously and suddenly for all parties and the most Governments. No political party showed itself the organizer and the head of the revolution, which found them by surprise.

The next reason for the revolutionary explosion was the following events that occurred in the second half of February 1917 in Petrograd. In mid-February, the supply of the capital of food, especially bread, deteriorated. The bread was in the country and in sufficient quantities, but because of the destruction on the transport and non-historicalness of the authorities that was responsible for the supply, he could not be delivered in a timely manner. A card system was introduced, but she did not solve the problem. There were long queues at bakery, which caused the growing discontent of the population. In this setting, any annoying population of the deed of the authorities or owners of industrial enterprises could serve as a detonator of the social explosion.

On February 18, the workers of one of the largest plants of Petrograd, Putilovsky, began a strike, demanding due to the growth of the high costs for salary. On February 20, the administration of the plant under the pretext of interruptions with the supply of raw materials dismissed strikers and announced the closure for the indefinite time of some workshops. Putovtsev supported the workers of other enterprises of the city. February 23 (on March 8 - International Women's Day) decided to start a general strike. On the afternoon of February 23, the opposition Duma figures were decided, which on February 14 from the Tribunes of the State Duma were sharply criticized by the audit ministers and demanded their resignation. Duma figures - Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze and labor A.F. Kerensky - established a connection with illegal organizations and created a committee for the demonstration on February 23.

On that day, 128 thousand workers 50 enterprises were heard - a third of workers' capitals. A demonstration took place, which carried a peaceful character. In the center of the city was a rally. The authorities in order to calm the people, announced that there is enough food and there are no foods for concern.

The next day, there were already 214 thousand workers. Strikes were accompanied by demonstrations: columns of demonstrators with red flags and with singing "Mosselease" rushed to the city center. Active participation in them was taken by women who went to the streets with the slogans "Bread"!, "The World"!, "Freedom!," Return our husbands! "

The authorities first viewed them as natural food unrest. However, events increased every day and accepted a threatening character for the authorities. February 25 strikes have covered over 300 thousand people. (80% of workers). The demonstrators have already performed with political slogans: "Down with the monarchy!", "Long live the republic!", Rushing to the central squares and avenues of the city. They managed to overcome police and military barrels and break through to the Znamenskaya Square at the Moscow railway station, where the elemental rally began at the monument to Alexander III. On the main squares, prospectuses and streets of the city, rallies and demonstrations were held. Cossacks dismantled against them refused to overclock them. In equestrian city demonstrators threw stones and lamps. The authorities have already seen that the "riots" takes a political nature.

On the morning of February 25, the columns of the workers again rushed to the center of the city, and police plots had already rowed on the Vyborg side. The rally began again on Znamenkaya Square. There was a collision of demonstrators with the police, as a result of which several demonstrators were killed and injured. On the same day, Nicholas II received from the commander of the Petrograd Military District of General S.S. Habalova reporting on the starting unrest in Petrograd, and at 9 o'clock in the evening, Habalov received from him a telegram: "We command tomorrow to stop the riots in the capital, unacceptable in the difficult time of war with Germany and Austria." Habalov immediately gave the order of the police and the commander of spare parts to apply weapons against demonstrators. On the night of February 26, the police arrested about a hundred most active leaders of left parties.

February 26 was a Sunday afternoon. Factories and plants did not work. The masses of demonstrators with red banners and singing of revolutionary songs rushed again to the central streets and squares of the city. On Znamenskaya Square and the Kazan Cathedral were continuously gone. By order of Habalov, the police sitting on the roofs of houses opened fire from machine guns on demonstrators and protesters. On Znamenskaya Square, 40 people were killed and the same amount was injured. Police shot on demonstrators in Sadovaya Street, Founder and Vladimir Prospects. On the night of February 27, new arrests were produced: this time 170 people were captured.

The outcome of any revolution depends on whose side the army will be. The defeat of the revolution 1905 - 1907. It was largely due to the fact that despite the series of uprisings in the army and in the fleet, in general, the army remained the right government and was used to suppress the peasant and workers rebounds. In February 1917, in Petrograd there was a garrison of up to 180 thousand soldiers. These were mainly spare parts, which were to be sent to the front. There were quite a few recruits from personnel workers who were mobilized for participating in the strikes, a lot cured after the wounds of the front-line. Focusing in the capital of the mass of soldiers who were easily influenced by revolutionary propaganda was a major mistake of the authorities.

The shooting of the demonstrators on February 26 caused a strong outrage of the soldiers of the capital garrison and had a decisive impact on the transition of them to the side of the revolution. In the afternoon of February 26, the 4th company of the spare battalion of Pavlovsky regiment refused to take the place specified on the outpage and even opened fire on the suspension of the horse police. Rota was disarmed, 19 of her "instratchors" were sent to the Petropavlovsk fortress. Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko telegraphed on that day the king: "The position is serious. In the capital of anarchy. The government is paralyzed. On the streets there is a random shooting. Parts of the troops are shooting each other." In conclusion, he requested the king: "Immediately entrust the person to the country's confidence, make a new government. It is impossible to slow. Every delay of death is like."

Even on the eve of the departure of the king, two options for its declaration of the State Duma were harvested - the first of its dissolution, the second - about the break of her classes. In response to the telegram, Rodzianko, the king sent the second version of the Decree - about the break of the Duma's classes from February 26 to April 1917. At 11 am on February 27, deputies of the State Duma gathered in the White Hall of the Tauride Palace and silently listened to the royal decree of the Duma session. A decree of the king put the dumpers in a difficult position: on the one hand, they did not dare not to fulfill the will of the king, on the other, could not but reckon with the threatening deployment of revolutionary events in the capital. The deputies from the left parties were offered not to obey the royal decree and in the "appeal to the people" to declare themselves by the Constituent Assembly, but the majority were against such a promotion. In the semi-Russian hall of the Tauride Palace, they opened the "private meeting", at which the decision was made on the execution of the royal command of official meetings of the Duma, but the deputies do not disperse and remain in their places. By half the third hour of the day on February 27, the crowds of demonstrators approached the Tauride Palace, some of them penetrated the palace. Tog Yes, the Duma decided to form out of its composition "Temporary Committee of the State Duma for Wallowing Order in Petrograd and for intercourse with institutions and persons." On the same day, the Committee composed of 12 people chaired by Rodzianko was formed. First, the temporary committee was afraid to take power into their hands and was looking for agreements with the king. On the evening of February 27, Rodzianko sent a new telegram to the king, in which he offered him to make concessions - to instruct the Duma to form the ministry responsible before her.

But the events unfolded rapidly. On that day, the strikes covered almost all enterprises of the capital, and the uprising has already begun. On the side of the rebels began to move the troops of the metropolitan garrison. On the morning of February 27, a training team was rebuilt among the 600 spare battalion of the Volyn Regiment. The head of the team was killed. Heading the uprising Unter-Officer T.I. The bricks raised the entire regiment, which moved to the Lithuanian and Preobrazhensky regiments and fascinated by them.

If on the morning of February 27, 10 thousand soldiers passed on the side of the rebels, then in the evening of the same day - 67 thousand. On the same day, Habalov telegraphed the king that "the troops refuse to go against the rebellion." On February 28, 127 thousand soldiers found themselves on the side of the rebels, and on March 1 - already 170 thousand soldiers. On February 28, the Winter Palace, Petropavlovsk Fortress, was captured by Arsenal, from which 40 thousand rifles and 30 thousand revolvers were distributed to the working detachments. The building of the District Court and the House of Preliminary Conclusion was defeated on the casting prospectus. Polished police plots. Liquidated gendarmerie and security. Many police and gendarmes were arrested (later the Temporary Government freed them and sent them to the front). Prisoners were released from prisons. On March 1, after the negotiations, they surrendered in the Admiralty together with the Habalov remnants of the garrison. The Mariinsky Palace was taken and the royal ministers and the highest dignitaries were arrested. They were brought or led to the Tavrichesky Palace. Interior Minister A.D. Protopopov voluntarily appeared under arrest. Ministers and generals from the Tauride Palace were transmitted to the Petropavlovsk fortress, the rest - in the seeds prepared for them.

Military parts from Peterhof and Stralls arrived in Petrograd through the Baltic station and in Peterhof's highway. On March 1, the sailors of the Kronstadt port were rebelled. Commander of the Kronstadt Port and Military Governor of Kronstadt Council Admiral R.N. Virerene and several senior officers were shot by sailors. Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich (cousin Nikolai II) led to the Tauride Palace at the disposal of the revolutionary authorities entrusted to him the sailors of the Guards crew.

On the evening of February 28, in the context of the revolving revolution, Rodzianko proposed to declare a temporary committee of the State Duma on itself government functions. On the night of February 28, the Temporary Committee of the State Duma appealed to the peoples of Russia with the appeal, which he assumes the initiative of the "restoration of state and public order" and creating a new government. As a first measure in the ministry, he sent commissars from the members of the Duma. In order to master the situation in the capital and suspend the further development of revolutionary events, the temporary committee of the State Duma tried in vain to return the soldiers in the barracks. But this attempt showed that he was unable to take control of the situation in the capital.

More efficient revolutionary authorities were revived during the revolution advice. On February 26, a number of members of the Union of Workers' Cooperatives of Petrograd, the Social Democratic Fraction of the State Duma and other Working Groups put forward the idea of \u200b\u200beducation of the Councils of workers of deputies according to 1905. This idea was supported by the Bolsheviks. On February 27, representatives of the working groups, together with the group of Duma deputies and representatives of the left intelligentsia, gathered in the Tauride Palace and announced the creation of a temporary executive committee of the Petrograd Council of Deputies of Workers. The Committee appealed not to slowly choose deputies to the Council - one deputy from 1 thousand workers, and one by one - soldiers from the company. 250 deputies were elected, which gathered in the Tauride Palace. They, in turn, took the executive committee of the Council, whose chairman was the leader of the Social Democratic Fraction of the State Duma Menshevik N.S. CHKHIDZE, and his deputies Lovovik A.F. Kerensky and Menshevik M.I. Skobelev. Most in the executive committee and the Council itself belonged to Mensheviks and Esramen - at that time the most numerous and influential left parties in Russia. On February 28, the first issue of the Izvestiy Council of Workers Deputies was published (Editor Menshevik F.I. Dan).

The Petrograd Council began to act as a body of revolutionary authorities, adopting a number of important decisions. On February 28, District Committees of Soviets were created on his initiative. He formed a military and food commission, armed militia, established control over printing houses and railways. The decision of the Petrograd Council was withdrawn financial resources of the royal power and the control of their spending was established. To the areas of the capital were sent by the Commission of the Council to establish national authorities in them.

On March 1, 1917, the Council issued the famous "Order No. 1", which provided for the creation in military units of elected soldiers' committees, canceled the title of officers and the rejection of honor to them outside the service, but the main thing - took the Petrograd garrison from submission to the old command. This order in our literature is usually regarded as a deeply democratic act. In fact, subordinating commander parts with soldier committees, a little competent in military business, he violated the principle of uniqueness necessary for any army and thereby contributed to the fall of military discipline.

The number of victims in Petrograd in February 1917 amounted to about 300 people. killed and up to 1,200 wounded.

Education of temporary government
With the formation of February 27 of the Petrogradsky Council and the Temporary Committee of the State Duma, the drooping was actually folded. Until March 1, 1917, the Council and the Duma Committee acted independently of each other. On the night of March 1, March 1, negotiations began between representatives of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council and the Temporary Committee of the State Duma on the formation of a temporary government. Representatives of the Soviets set the condition that the interim government immediately proclaimed civil liberties, political prisoners and announced the convening of the Constituent Assembly. When executing the temporary government of this condition, the Council decided to support its support. The formation of the composition of the Provisional Government was entrusted to the Team Committee of the State Duma.

On March 2, it was formed, and on March 3, his composition was published. The temporary government included 12 people - 10 ministers and 2 ministers equal to the ministers of the central departments. 9 ministers were deputies of the State Duma.

The chairman of the Provisional Government and at the same time the Minister of Internal Affairs was a major landowner, chairman of the All-Russian Zemsky Union, Cadet, Prince G.E. Lviv, Ministers: Foreign Affairs - the leader of the Cadet Party P.N. Milyukov, Military and Marine - the leader of the Party of Octobrists A.I. Gucheus, trade and industry - large manufacturer, progressist, A.I. Konovalov, routes of communication - "left" Cadet N.V. Nekrasov, Folk Enlightenment - Close to Cadets, Professor A.A. Manuilov, Agriculture - Zemsky Doctor, Cadet, A.I. Shingarev, justice - labor (from March 3, Eser, the only socialist in the government) A.F. Kerensky, on the affairs of Finland - Cadet V.I. Rhodichev, Ober-prosecutor of St. Synod - Octobrist V.N. Lviv, State Controller - Octobrist I.V. Gomenev. Thus, 7 ministerial posts, and the most important, turned out to be in the hands of cadets, 3 ministerial posts received Octobrists and 2 representatives of other parties. It was the "Star Hour" of Cadets, who were in power for a short time (for two months). The entry into the position of the Interim Government ministers occurred during March 3-5. The Provisional Government declared himself into the transitional period (before the convening of the Constituent Assembly) of the Supreme Legislative and Executive Authorities in the country.

On March 3, the Program of Provisional Government Activated with the Petrograd Council was made public: 1) full and immediate amnesty for all political and religious affairs; 2) freedom of speech, press, assemblies and stackers; 3) the abolition of all the estate, religious and national restrictions; 4) immediately under the cooking for elections on the basis of universal, equal, secret and direct voting to the Constituent Assembly; 5) Replacing the police of the People's Militia with the electoral authorities subordinate to the local authorities; 6) elections to local governments; 7) unimpressive and non-department from Petrograd military units who participated in the uprising on February 27; and 8) providing civil rights to soldiers. The program has laid the broad foundations of constitutionalism and democracy in the country.

However, the Most of the time declared in the Declaration of the Provisional Government was carried out even earlier, as soon as the revolution won. So, on February 28, the police were abolished and the People's Militia was formed: instead of 6 thousand police officers of order in Petrograd, 40 thousand people took place. folk militia. She took under the protection of the enterprise and urban quarters. The detachments on the native militia were soon created in other cities. Subsequently, along with the working police, combat work squads appeared (Red Guard). The first detachment of the Red Guard was created in early March at the Sestrian Plant. Gencarmery and security were eliminated.

Hundreds of prisons were defeated or burned. Print organs were closed. Trade unions were reborn, cultural and educational, female, youth and other organizations were created. The full freedom of printing, rallies and demonstrations was conquered by a fierce order. Russia has become the most free country in the world.

The initiative to reduce the working day up to 8 hours was from the Petrograd entrepreneurs themselves. On March 10, the agreement was concluded by the Agreement of the Petrograd Council with the Petrogd Society of manufacturers about it. Then, through the same private nature of agreements between workers and entrepreneurs, the 8-hour working day was introduced throughout the country. However, a special decree of the temporary government was not published about this. The agricultural question was attributed to the decision of the Constituent Assembly from the concern that the soldiers, having learned about the "delegation of the Earth", throw the front and move to the village. The Provisional Government announced the self-seizures of landlord peasants illegal.

In an effort to "become closer to the people," in place to explore a specific situation in the country and enlist the support of the population, the Ministers of the Provisional Government made frequent trips to cities, the Army and Flot parts. At first, they met such support on rallies, meetings, various meetings, professional congresses. Representatives of the press ministers often and willingly gave interviews, organized a press conference. The press, in turn, sought to create a favorable public opinion about the temporary government.

The first to recognize the temporary government as "the spokesman of the true will of the people and the unique government of Russia" France and England. In early March, the Provisional Government recognized the United States, Italy, Norway, Japan, Belgium, Portugal, Serbia and Iran.

Nicholas II renunciation
The transition of the troops of the metropolitan garrison on the side of the rebels made the rate begin to take decisive measures to suppress the revolution in Petrograd. February 27 Nicholas II through the headquarters of the rates of General M.V. Alekseeva gave an order to move to Petrograd "Reliable" punitive troops. The punitive expedition included the St. George battalion taken from Mogilev, and several regiments from the North, Western and South-Western fronts. At the head of the expedition, General N.I. Ivanov, appointed also instead of Hubalov and the commander of the Petrograd Military District with the most widely, dictatorial powers - until all the ministers came at his full disposal. It was assumed by March 1 in the area of \u200b\u200bthe royal village to focus 13 infantry battalions, 16 cavalry squadrons and 4 batteries.

Early in the morning of February 28, two literary trains, royal and sweat, went from Mogilev through Smolensk, Vyazma, Rzhev, Likhoslavl, Bologoye to Petrograd. Upon arrival, they were in a hospital on the night of March 1, they received the news that two companies with machine guns arrived from Petrograd in order to not miss the royal trains to the capital. When the trains approached Art. Small Vishera (160 km from Petrograd) The railway authorities reported that it was impossible to move further, because the following stations are Tosno and Luban are engaged in revolutionary troops. Nicholas II ordered to turn the train on Pskov - in the batch of the commander of the Northern Front of General N.V. Ruzsky. In Pskov, tsarist trains arrived at 7 o'clock in the evening on March 1. Here Nicholas II learned about the victory of the revolution in Petrograd.

At the same time, the head of the headquarters of General M.V. Alekseev decided to abandon the military expedition to Petrograd. Having enlisted with the support of the commander-in-chief of the fronts, he gave an order Ivanov to refrain from punitive action. The St. George Battalion, who reached on March 1 of the Tsarist village, moved back to the Zubtitsa station. After negotiations the commander-in-chief of the North Front of Ruzsky with Rodzianko Nicholas II consent to the formation of the government responsible before the Duma. About this decision of the king On the night of March 2, Ruzsky handed over Rodzianko. However, he said that the edition of the manifesto about this was already "late", because the course of events was delivered by the "certain requirement" - the renunciation of the king. Not waiting for the rates, deputies of the Duma A.I. were sent to Pskov Guccov and V.V. Shulgin. And at that time, Alekseyev and Ruzsky requested all the commander-in-chief of fronts and fleets: Caucasian - Great Prince Nikolai Nikolayevich, Romanian - General V.V. Sakharov, South-West - General A.A. Brusylova, Western - General A.E. Everter Commander Fleets - Baltic - Admiral A.I. Unevenin and Chernomorsky - Admiral A.V. Kolchak. The commanders of the front and fleets stated the need to renounce the king from the throne "in the name of the salvation of the Motherland and the dynasty, agreed with the statement by the Chairman of the State Duma, as the only one, apparently, able to stop the revolution and save Russia from the horrors of anarchy." Those lightweight with Piece to renounce the throne appealed to Nikolai II from Tiflis his uncle Nikolai Nikolaevich.

On March 2, Nicholas II ordered the manifesto about his renunciation from the throne in favor of Alexei's son in the reaction of his younger brother of the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. The king was drawn up on this decision to Rodzianko. However, its sending was detained before receiving new messages from Petrograd. In addition, Guccov and Schulgin arrived in Pskov, what was reported to the bet.

Guccov and Shulgin arrived in Pskov in the evening of March 2, they reported that in Petrograd there is no military unit on which it would be possible to rely, and confirmed the need to renounce the king from the throne. Nicholas II said that it was already accepted by this decision, but now he changes him and is already repeated not only for himself, but also for the heir. This act Nikolai II violated the Coronation Manifest of Paul I dated April 5, 1797, which provided that the reigning person had the right to renounce the throne only for himself, and not for his glaciers.

The new version of Nicholas II from the throne was adopted by Huchkov and Shulgin, who only asked him, so that before signing the act of renunciation, the king approved a decree on the appointment of G.E. Lviv Prime Minister formed by the new government, and the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich again the Supreme Commander.

When Guccs with Shulgin returned to Petrograd with a manifesto rejected by Nikolai II, they met the strong dissatisfaction with the revolutionary masses of this attempt by the Duma figures to preserve the monarchy. Toast in honor of the "emperor Mikhail", proclaimed by Huchkov, on arrival from Pskov at the Warsaw Station of Petrograd, caused such a strong resentment of workers that they threatened him a shooting. At the station, Schulgin was searching, which, however, managed to secretly convey the text of the manifesto about the renunciation of Nicholas II Gachkov. Workers demanded to destroy the text of the manifest, immediately arrest the king and proclaim the republic.

On the morning of March 3, a meeting of the members of the Duma Committee and the Provisional Government with Mikhail in the KN mansion took place. O. Putyathina on Millionna. Rodzianko and Kerensky proved the need for his abandon. Kerensky said that the indignation of the people was too much, the new king could die from the people's wrath, and the temporary government will die with him. However, Milyukov insisted on the adoption of Crown by Mikhail, proving the need for strong power to strengthen a new order, and such power needs a support - "habitual monarchic symbol". The temporary government without a monarch, spoke Milyukov, "is" Rollery, which can sway in the ocean of folk unrest "; It will not live to the constituent assembly, as an anarchy will reign in the country. Arriving soon at the Huchkov meeting, supported Milyukov. Milyukov in passability even offered to take cars and go to Moscow, where to proclaim Mikhail Emperor, to collect troops under his banner and move to Petrograd. Such a proposal was clearly threatened by the Civil War and scared the rest of those who gathered at the meeting. After prolonged discussions, the majority of Mikhail's renunciation. Mikhail agreed with this opinion and at 4 o'clock the day he signed the compiled V.D. Nabokov and Baron B.E. Nolde Manifesto about his refusal of the crown. In Manifesto, announced the next day, it was said that Mikhail "accepted a firm decision only in the event that the will of the great people of our people would be given to the world's vote through representatives of their own in the constituent meeting to establish the image of the board and new laws of state Russian. Mikhail turned to the people with the call "to obey the temporary government, clothed with all the completeness." Written statements on the support of the Provisional Government and the refusal of complaints about the royal throne did all members of the royal family. On March 3, Nicholas II sent Mikhail Tegramma.

I refer to his "Imperial Majesty", he apologized that "he did not warn him about the transfer of the crown to him. Message about the renunciation of Mikhail was perceived by the renounced king with bewilderment. "God knows who appreciated him to sign such a nastyness," Nikolai recorded in the diary.

Emperor renounced from the throne headed in a bet to Mogilev. A few hours before the signing of the act of renunciation from the throne, Nikolai again appointed the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army of the Grand Prince Nikolai Nikolayevich. However, the Provisional Government appointed this post to this position General A.A. Brusilova. On March 9, Nikolay with a returned returned to the royal village. By order of the temporary government, the royal family was kept under house arrest in the royal village. The Petrograd Council demanded the court over the former king and even on March 8, he accepted the decision to enter into his Petropavlovsk fortress, but the temporary government refused to fulfill it.

In connection with the increase in antimonarchic sentiment in the country, the overthrown king asked the temporary government to send it to his family to England. The Provisional Government appealed to the English ambassador in Petrograd George Buchenen to request a British office. PN Milyukov, at a meeting with the king, assured him that the request would be satisfied and even advised him to prepare for departure. Buchanan requested its office. He first expressed consent to provide asylum in England for the overthrown Russian king and his family. However, there was a wave of protest against it in England and in Russia, and the English king Georg V appealed to his government with a proposal to cancel this decision. The Interim Government sent a request to the French office to provide asylum as a royal family in France, but also received a refusal with reference to the fact that it will be negatively perceived by the public opinion of France. So failed attempted the temporary government to send the former king and his family abroad. On August 13, 1917, by order of the Interim Government, the royal family was sent to Tobolsk.

The essence of dvoevlastia
In the transitional period, from the moment of victory of the revolution before the adoption of the Constitution and formed in accordance with the permanent authorities, there is a temporary revolutionary government, which is responsible for breaking the old authority, consolidating the relevant decrees of the revolution conquests and convening a constituent meeting, which defines the form of future state Devices of the country, approves decrees published by the Interim Government, giving them the force of laws, and adopts the Constitution.

The interim government for the transitional period (before the convening of the Constituent Assembly) has both legislative and administrative and executive functions. So, for example, it was the case during the Great French Revolution of the late XVIII century. The same way of transforming the country after the revolutionary coup was envisaged in their projects and the Decembrists of the Northern Society, putting forward the idea of \u200b\u200bthe "temporary revolutionary rule" for the transition period, and then convocation of the "Supreme Cathedral" (the constituent assembly). Also, they also imagined the path of the revolutionary reorganization of the country, the smoke of the old state machine and the formation of new authorities all Russian revolutionary parties at the beginning of the 20th century, who recorded it in their programs.

However, the process of formation of state power in Russia as a result of the February Revolution of 1917 went on a different scenario. In Russia, it was created that did not have analogues in history, the droi - represented by the councils of workers, peasant and soldiers' deputies, on the one hand, and temporary government, on the other.

As already mentioned, the emergence of the Councils of People's Authorities - refers to the time of revolution 1905-1907. And it is an important conquest. This tradition was immediately revived after the victory of the uprising in Petrograd. On February 27, 1917, in addition to the Petrogradsky Council in March 1917, over 600 councils in the field appeared, which elected the permanent authorities of the executive committees from their environments. These were chosen plates of the people, based on the support of the wide working masses. Tips performed legislative, executive, executive and even judicial functions. By October 1917, there were already 1429 councils in the country. They arose spontaneously - it was the elemental creativity of the masses. Along with this, the Committees of the Temporary Government were created. Thus was created a drochor at the central and local levels.

At that time, the prevailing influence in the councils, both in Petrograd and in provincial, had representatives of Mensheviks and Social Parties, who were not focused on the "victory of socialism", believing that in the backward Russia there is no for this conditions, but on the development and consolidation of it bourgeois-democratic conquests. Such a task, they considered, in a transitional period can perform temporary, bourgeois in composition, the government, which, in conducting democratic transformations of the country, it is necessary to provide support, and pressure on it. In fact, the real power and during the dreewish period was in the hands of the Soviets, because the Provisional Government could only manage with their support and conduct their decrees with their sanction.

In the first time, the Interim Government and the Petrograd Council of Workers and Soldiers' Deputies acted together. They even conducted their meetings in the same building - the Tauride Palace, which turned into the center of the country's political life.

During March-April 1917, the temporary government, with the support and pressure of the Petrogradsky Council, held a number of democratic transformations mentioned above. At the same time, the solution of a number of acute problems that took place in the heritage of the old authorities, it was postponed to the Constituent Assembly, and among them the Agrarian question. Moreover, it issued a number of decrees, which provided for criminal liability for self-combat seizure of landlord, specific and monastic lands. In the question of war and the world, it took a defense position, while maintaining allegiance to allied obligations adopted by the old authority. All this caused the growing dissatisfaction with the masses of the Provisional Government Policy.

Deliciousness is not the separation of the authorities, and the opposition of one power of another, which inevitably leads to conflicts, to the desire of each power to overthrow it opposing. Ultimately, the busthese leads to paralysis of power, to the absence of any power, to anarchy. At dvoevsty, the growth of centrifugal forces is inevitable, which threatens the country's collapse, especially if this country is multinational.

The drooplow existed not more than four months - until early July 1917, when a political demonstration was organized in the situation of the unsuccessful offensive of Russian troops on the German front, on July 3-4, the Bolsheviks organized the Bolsheviks and an attempt to overthrow the temporary government. The demonstration was shot, and repression was collapsed on the Bolsheviks. After the July days, the temporary government was able to subjugate advice who obediently performed his will. However, it was a short-term victory of the temporary government, the position of which was becoming increasingly fragile. Economic devastation was deepened in the country: inflation has grown rapidly, the production has been disastrously falling, the danger of a hopeless hunger became real. In the village began massive pogroms by landlords, seizures of peasants not only landlord, but also church lands, received information about the murders of landowners and even church believers. Soldiers are tired of the war. At the front, the brother's soldiers of both warring parties became frequent. The front essentially loosened. Desertion increased dramatically, from the standpoint the whole military units were filmed: the soldiers hurried home to catch to the section of the landlord.

The February Revolution destroyed the old government structures, but could not create a solid and authoritative power. The temporary government has increasingly lost control over the situation in the country and no longer able to cope with growing devastation, full disorder of the financial system, the collapse of the front. The Ministers of the Provisional Government, being highly educated intellectuals, brilliant speakers and publicists, turned out to be unimportant politicians and bad administrators, cut off from real reality and poorly knew it.

For a relatively short time, from March to October 1917, four composition of the Provisional Government changed: the first of its composition existed for about two months (March-April), subsequent three (coalition, with the "socialist ministers") - every no more than one and a half months . It survived two serious power crisis (in July and in September).

The power of the temporary government weakened every day. It increasingly lost control over the position in the country. In the situation of political instability in the country, the deepening economic destruction, which protracted the unpopular war. Threats of hopeless hunger, the masses were eager for "solid power", which could "bring order". The inconsistency of the behavior of the Russian man was configured - his original Russian desire to "solid order" and, at the same time, the uncommonly Russian hatred to any actually existing order, i.e. Paradoxical combination in the peasant mentality of Caesarism (naive monarchism) and anarchism, humility and rebounds.

By the fall of 1917, the power of the Provisional Government was actually paralyzed: it was not performed or ignored by the decrees. The places actually reigned anarchy. Learning more supporters and defenders of the temporary government. This largely explains that ease, with which it was overthrown by the Bolsheviks on October 25, 1917. Not only easily overthrown, but they received powerful support from the wide masses, published the most important decrees on the other day after the October coup. About land and peace. Not abstract, not understandable to the masses, the socialist ideas attracted them to the Bolsheviks, and the hope that those really would stop the hated war and once will give the peasants lined land.

"V.A. Fedorov. History of Russia 1861-1917. "
Library "Shelter Bukinista". http://society.polbu.ru/fedorov_rushistory/ch84_i.html

I did not solve economic, political and class contradictions in the country, it was the prerequisite for the February Revolution of 1917. The participation of Tsarist Russia in the First World War showed the inability of its economy to fulfill military tasks. Many plants stopped their work, the army felt the lack of equipment, weapons, food. The country's transport system is absolutely not adapted to military situation, agriculture has passed its position. Economic difficulties increased the foreign debt of Russia to huge sizes.

Interesting the maximum benefits from war, the Russian bourgeoisie began to create alliances and committees on raw materials, fuel, food, etc.

The correct principle of proletarian internationalism, the Bolshevik Party revealed the imperialist nature of the war, which was carried out in the interests of the exploitative classes, its grip, robbing essence. The party sought to send dissatisfaction with the mass in the direction of the revolutionary struggle for the collapse of autocracy.

In August 1915, a "progressive block" was formed, which planned to force Nicholas II to renounce the throne in favor of his brother Mikhail. Thus, the opposition bourgeoisie hoped to warn the revolution and at the same time preserve the monarchy. But such a scheme did not provide bourgeois-democratic transformations in the country.

The reasons for the February Revolution of 1917 were anti-war moods, the difficult situation of workers and peasants, political disabilities, the decline in the authority of the autocratic power and its inability to conduct reforms.

Driving force in the fight was the working class headed by the revolutionary Bolshevik Party. The allies of the workers performed the peasants demanding the redistribution of the Earth. Bolsheviks clarified the soldiers of the goal and the tasks of the struggle.

The main events of the February Revolution occurred rapidly. For a few days in Petrograd, Moscow and other cities, there was a wave of strikes with slogans "Down with the Tsarist Government!", "Down with the War!". On February 25, the political strike has become universal. Excirations, arrests were not able to stop the revolutionary mass line. Government troops were presented in combat readiness, Petrograd city was turned into a military camp.

February 26, 1917 was the beginning of the February Revolution. On February 27, the soldiers of Pavlovsky, Preobrazhensky and Volyn regiments passed on the side of the workers. It solved the outcome of the struggle: February 28, the government was lowered.

The outstanding importance of the February Revolution is that it was the first in the history of the People's Revolution of the Epoch of Imperialism, which ended with the victory.

During the February Revolution of 1917, King Nicholas II renounced the throne.

In Russia, the borehole arose, which was the peculiar result of the February Revolution of 1917. On the one hand, the Council of Workers and Soldier Deputies as a body of the People's Authority, on the other hand, the Interim Government is the bourgeoisie dictatorship body led by Prince. Lviv. In organizational issues, the bourgeoisie was more prepared for power, but was unable to establish a unifiedness.

The temporary government conducted an anti-people, imperialist policy: the land issue was not solved, the factories remained in the hands of the bourgeoisie, agriculture and industry were experiencing extreme need, lacked fuel for railway transport. The dictatorship of the bourgeoisie only deepened economic and political problems.

Russia after the February Revolution experienced a sharp political crisis. Therefore, he was brewing the need to outrun the revolution of the bourgeois-democratic in the socialist, which was supposed to lead to the power of the proletariat.

One of the consequences of the February Revolution is the October Revolution under the slogan "All Power Soviets!".